STRATEGIC SWAY IN INDO-US RELATIONS

isara solutions, 2020

This article examines how India-US relations during the Cold War period, marked by confrontation and mistrust, ushered in mutual cooperation in various fields ranging from defence and security cooperation to the nuclear deal, and counter-terrorism initiatives to the “strategic partnership” between them. The article further argues that during the Cold War era, India’s relations were examined purely from the ideological perspective but after the end of the Cold War in 1990 and the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991, geopolitical equations changed. The article evaluates those factors which brought New Delhi and Washington closer to each other.It discusses how the two Cold War antagonists-India and America- became close strategic partners in defence, security, space, trade and investment fields. Also, it discusses how China has emerged as a crucial factor in the growing ties between New Delhi and Washington.

The India-China War of 1962 marked a critical turning point in Asian geopolitics, reshaping the bilateral relations between two emerging post-colonial nations. The conflict, primarily cantered around disputed borders in the Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh regions, stemmed from historical boundary disagreements, China's construction of roads in Aksai Chin, and differing interpretations of the McMahon Line. Tensions escalated as diplomatic negotiations failed to resolve the disputes. In October 1962, China launched a surprise attack on Indian posts, resulting in a month-long conflict that ended with a unilateral Chinese ceasefire. As a newly independent nation, India sought to establish peaceful relations with its neighbouring countries, including China, to foster development and ensure regional stability. In line with this goal, India signed the Panchsheel Agreement with China in 1954. However, China's breach of this agreement and subsequent actions disrupted the peace process. When the conflict escalated in 1962, India was caught off guard and unprepared for the sudden attack, which resulted in significant losses for the country. The war exposed India's strategic vulnerabilities and led to significant political and military ramifications, including a re-evaluation of defence strategies. In the aftermath, the conflict left a legacy of mistrust, souring bilateral ties for decades. It also prompted India to strengthen its military capabilities and seek strategic alliances. The 1962 war remains a watershed moment, highlighting the complexities of border politics in Asia and the enduring challenges in India-China relations, which continue to influence regional stability and global power dynamics. This research paper explores the causes and consequences of the India-China War of 1962. It also examines the

Why India needs to remain a 'very important strategic partner' for the United States vis-à-vis the geo-political atmosphere of South-East Asia Part I: Over the past decade, despite history of bilateral estrangement U.S.-India cooperation has thrived. The current U.S.-India arrangement on shared security interests brings in a new chapter of American foreign policy, where instead of fighting proxy wars, or enabling nongovernmental actors; the US has engaged in empowering another country to balance its interest in a region. The change in U.S.-India security ties seems as an attempt on part of the US to counterbalance the growing Chinese influence in Asia, its antagonistic attitude towards other nations in the region.

2012

In 1969, only seven years after the Sino-Indian border war that climaxed his tenure as John F. Kennedy's envoy to Jawaharlal Nehru's India, John Kenneth Galbraith published his intimate Ambassador's Journal. 2 Since the Harvard economist had cultivated a reputation not only for intellectual firepower and liberal politics but for trenchant opinions, cutting wit, and irreverence toward pompous institutions and individuals, readers eagerly anticipated not only insights into Indo-American relations but juicy gossip about leading personalities in both Washington and New Delhi. True to form, the lengthy tome bulged with inside dope; while finding it "tedious" and "disappointingly thin in substance," the New York Times' book reviewer, the managing editor of Foreign Affairs, wearily predicted that Ambassador's Journal would nevertheless enjoy a careful readership thanks to "the author's venomous comments on individuals who were his colleagues in public service." Even "those who do not cross his path" were not immune from "gratuitous comments," and "those few to whom he is sympathetic" were victimized by "unconsciously condescending" remarks. 3 Yet, there was one glaring exception to Galbraith's candor. At the beginning of his chapter on the outbreak of the border war in October 1962, he included a lengthy, somewhat apologetic footnote: This chapter has been edited in one important respect. I was not fond of Krishna Menon, the Defence Minister-a feeling that was deeply reciprocated as his own recollections of these days amply tell. But my feelings were unimportant, and as compared with the antipathy and suspicion with which he was regarded in Washington and equally in Indian political circles, they were almost benign. Krishna Menon was an extraordinarily resourceful politician and I was afraid that were we too forthcoming in giving the Indians military aid, he would take credit for it. He would then present himself as a transcendent figure who was respected by the Americans as by all others. This would cause great 1 An earlier version of this article was presented to the Slavic Research Center Summer Symposium, "Alliances and Borders in the Making and

2017

India and US have been moving forward in improving their strategic relationship. India’s nuclear programs, the disputed borders, the prospective strategic convergence in India-US relations, the Doklam,Tibet issue and India’s announcement to conduct naval exercises in South China Sea will determine Sino-Indian relations in near future. It was only in late 1998, that India could become friendlier with US. Particularly after 9/11, India and US have further strengthened their partnership intending to fight against Global terrorism. All short of terrorism always find some links, in Pakistan, which is openly supported by China. China is also friendly with US, certainly for economic reasons, as it is to prevent the India-US partnership aimed at containing China. Despite that China has not refrained itself from providing military assistance and nuclear technology to Pakistan, because as per them, a weak Pakistan would raise India’s dominance in the region. India needs a better relationship with US, to contain China’s hegemony in South Asia and domination in Indian Ocean Regions. The US, too requires India’s assistance along with Japan and Australia to create a power formation in South Asia, that would assist each others in containing and engaging China. Chinese too require US assistance for suppressing India’s influence in the region.. Kew word.: india china strategic rivalary, china –pakistan ,indias strategic respons, india

2020

The Indo-US strategic bonding is shifting the security dynamics of the South Asian balance-of-power in Indian favour. From the signing of 123 US-India Nuclear Deal to the facilitation in becoming a member of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), the US has clearly designated India as an instrumental element in the American grand strategy of devising a ‘new world order’. As a result, India has grabbed the opportunity of alleviating its status as a credible regional and global power. In this regard, the US tilt towards India is significantly paving grounds for a strategic imbalance in the South Asian region, thus creating challenges for Pakistan. Therefore, this paper argues that the growing bonhomie between the US and India is a destabilizing factor in the region which reinforces Pakistan’s fast falling into the Chinese orbit; thereby cementing the old friendship into a new strategic partnership. This dynamic certainly gives China and Pakistan an incentive to work together so...

Asia Policy, 2019

This special issue of Asia Policy scrutinizes the Indo-U.S. strategic partnership by examining the prospects for bilateral cooperation in Asia. Although peacetime foreign policy collaboration between major powers is a rarity, China’s rapid rise in the international system appears to have forced the United States and India into unusually close consultation on regional security issues. Will this consultation mature into active cooperation? To answer this question, this introductory essay first examines the concept of strategic partnership—a nebulous type of political relationship that has proliferated since the end of the Cold War. It then highlights the obstacles to peacetime cooperation between major powers in other regions of the world. Following this, attention turns to the articles in this special issue, which examine the history of Indo-U.S. cooperation in various subregions of Asia. Collectively, these articles challenge misperceptions and misunderstandings of each country’s po...

Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, RSC Policy Paper 2022/05 (Published in April 2022 by the European University Institute), 2022

This article analyses the reasons for the dramatic worsening of India-China relations which became apparent in the 2020 border crisis, particularly during the confrontation which took place in the Galwan Valley. The analysis focusses on the historical evolution of India-China bilateral relations since the beginning of this century. It has two main themes: (a) the unsolved border dispute between the two countries; and (b) the role played in India-China relations by India’s increasing strategic and military closeness with the US. The basic thesis of the article is that in 2005 the US consciously upgraded its connection with India to bring it in the arc of containment it was building around its Asian adversaries, including China. New Delhi’s new closeness with the US – a closeness which had a visible military dimension – could not but worry Beijing and cause a worsening of the India-China relationship. Up to the end of 2013, however, by implementing a complex set of policies, India’s policymakers kept this worsening under control, reducing it to a bare minimum. Things changed dramatically in 2014, when Narendra Modi, India’s new prime minister, abandoned India’s previous prudent approach to China, choosing to confront it and force it to accept India as an equal power. This brought about a downturn in relations between the two countries which, in spite of some countertendencies, eventually resulted in the 2020 border crisis.

INDIA REVIEW, 2019

In this paper we build on Robert Jervis’ concept of strategic triangles, relations between three states where from the point of view of each state the others are pivotal for its security or foreign policy behavior in a given region. We argue that triangles are important in influencing state behavior in the areas of balance of power, deterrence, arms races and status competition, and consider how these dimensions might interact. In this context, this article examines the US–India–China triangle, while also addressing to a lesser extent how other related triangles interlink with it, taking into account how China’s rise and increasing economic interdependence impact these relations.