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Studies in Politics and Society (SIPAS) is a peer reviewed journal of the Nigerian Political Science Association. It serves as a platform for the development and exchange of ideas on political issues within and outside Nigeria. Scholarly articles are invited on any issue or field of Political Science and the Social Sciences. Areas of focus include but not limited to political theory, state and governmental institutions, public policy, public development, political economy, development and underdevelopment, gender studies, social change, conflict and peace studies, security and strategic studies, international politics and diplomacy. It also accepts scholarly reviews of relevant books. SIPAS is an annual publication which features in May/June, with special (that is thematic) editions on specific themes in December/January. Papers for consideration in either of the editions should not be under assessment or published elsewhere.
Journal of the Nigerian Political Science Association, 2022
Studies in Politics and Society (SIPAS) is a peer review journal of the Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA). It serves as a platform for the development and exchange of ideas on political issues or the field of Political Science in particular and Social Sciences in general. Areas of focus include but not limited to political theory, state and dovernmental institutions, public policy, public development, political economy, development and underdevelopment, gender studies, social change, conflict and peace studies, security and strategic studies, comparative politics, local government studies, international politics and diplomacy, among others. It also accepts scholarly reviews of relevant books and commentaries on burning social issues. SIPAS is an annual publication which features in May/June, with special editions on specific themes (thematic editions) in December/January. Papers for consideration in either of the editions should not be under assessment or published elsewhere. SIPAS accords priority to analytical and empirical studies. Guidelines for Submission 1. Articles should be typed 12 point font size and 1.5 line spacing, Times New Roman; and should not exceed 18 pages of A4 size paper including references 2. Articles should conform to APA citation and referencing style 6th edition. The in-text citation should be restricted to author's name, date and page. For example, Udenka (2014, p.3) or (Udenka, 2014, p. 3). 3. Articles should be divided into introduction, main body and conclusion, and should be preceded by an abstract of not more than 180 words and 5 to 6 keywords 4. Pages should be numbered consecutively throughout. The title page (i.e. page 1) should contain the title of the article, authors' full names and addresses and status. Page 2 should contain only the title of the article, abstract and keywords and part of the introduction to enhance blind peer review. 5. Authors should avoid making statements that would link them to the article. Example, "like I earlier argued", "as we have earlier asserted," etc.
After decades of different levels of non-state centred politicking in Nigeria linked to colonial, military, ethno-centric and clientele/patronage interests, it is imperative to remodel and rethink the tenets of Nigerian politics. Since elections represent the most important means to gain power (especially) in Nigeria, President Goodluck Jonathan " s plan to retain power in 2015 seems to be accompanied by serious political upheaval. There appears to be two major standpoints in this crisis – the pro-Jonathan 2015 agenda and pro-Northern agenda. 2015 is thus a year pregnant with a lot of uncertainty, and the height of this uncertainty is reflected in the political hiatus – mirroring the bigger within Nigerian politics and governance. This policy brief is an attempt to develop a framework wherein the will of the people and the interest of the state becomes the focus of political endeavours, not the interest of a few political elites, especially in the days and months leading up to the 2015 elections. The focus here is on political parties as the fulcrum of power struggles, the political elite class who manoeuvre politics in their interest, the electoral process which is responsible for the emergence of leaders, the electorate who are mostly disenfranchised by flawed electoral processes and also disempowered and marginalised through by and through the political system, and finally the donor community in the drive to consolidate democracy and the will of the people in governance. The Problems with Nigerian politics After the experiences of the past – colonialism and the ever presence of the military in the political affairs of Nigeria – one would expect the fourth republic to be more tilted towards a people centred form of governance. However, the fact is that politics since 1999 has been driven more by selfish interests, the overall good of the state and those of the people tends to be neglected abysmally. It has been characterised by the almost non-existence of ideology among political parties and the leaders they produce. Lack of accountability towards the electorate, and the socio-political and economic choices made by leaders are pointers to the fact that there are no effective mechanisms for citizens to demand accountability from leaders. In fact the only one with which they would more easily have resorted to have been denied them for over half a century now – elections. 2 When leaders fail to deliver based on the requirements of the electorate, elections create a room for change as citizens decide to place their future in the hands
Journal of Public Administration, Finance and Law, 2021
Over the decades, there has been a recurrent and sustained argument that the Nigerian State, like its counterpart in African and other countries of the developing world, under performs due to lack of state capacity to deal with the contemporary complexities of governance. This paper examines the state of politics, governance and democracy in Nigeria and asserted the factors militating against, the promotion of public goods and effective service delivery in Nigeria. As government is about service delivery in continuity and contingency not negating the pivotal state and the cardinal force of politics as the contraption of both elements birth or gives an expressive definition to the institution of a state as a human entity or society. The article draws data from secondary and primary sources, which include the author's close observations of events in Nigeria Governance, politics and political parties while secondary sources entails journal articles, textbook, newspapers including published and unpublished text. The study observed in Nigeria that politics have been driven by self interest and other primordial tendencies which take priority over that of public interest. As it is smiling to mention that democratic government is adduced to be the widely accepted system of government among other form of government; it is accepted because it gives political sovereignty to the people were their will, aspirations, needs and demand are supposed to be guarantee by the state which is the coordinating system that stand as the tool of instrument to encompass all interests within it. The study enunciated that the Nigeria state is challenged with multifaceted challenges such as crisis of governance, utility and deployment of state power, state and management of security among other attendant problems. The paper recommends state reform across the Nigeria; national interest should supersede individual one, emergence of young politicians who are enthusiastic and competent.
2017
Democracy and development (particularly in the jurisdiction of emerging socio-political and economic systems) have continued to attract some mainstream social science attention. In what dimensions are there relationships between these two variables? What is the position of political culture in the possible linkages between democracy and development, principally in the Nigerian situation? These are the central research questions of the current study. The general objective of the paper therefore is to examine the relationships among political culture, democracy and development in (contemporary) Nigeria. The methodology of the study is logical argumentation. It is concluded in the work that in development paradigms Nigeria's political culture is indeed leading the country to some undesirable destinations. The paper reechoes the call for the convocation of a sovereign national conference, which would create a road-map for coexistence among the people of Nigeria, in order to democrat...
Hegemonia: Revista de Ciências Sociais
This article accounts for the structural changes in the form of shifts in political systems and economic sources of state revenue in post-colonial Nigeria. As Nigeria and other countries such as Brazil seek mutually to extend and intensify external relations, the need to cast further light on the post-colonial structural changes underscores the article’s relevance. Since political independence in 1960, the Nigerian political system has alternated between democratic and authoritarian types with significant increases ingovernment revenue originating from petrodollars. However, elite succession in topmost political executive offices has been marked by confusions and attended by confusions amid intense and recurrent social conflicts. The findings point to incomplete regime change with the persistence of a rigid power structure.
Political Stakes and the Changing Patterns of Elections in Nigeria: A Comparative Assessment of the 2015 and 2019 Presidential Elections, 2019
This article offers a contextual discourse on the nature of political stakes and the changing dynamics of elections in Nigeria by comparing the 2015 and 2019 Presidential elections as its main focus of analysis. Using qualitative technique which involves the use of secondary sources and personal interviews with certain key actors and experts in the political narrative of Nigeria, the article is able to predict that elections and voting patterns are driven by certain agendas and discourses that are not only used by the political actors but by the media and all its communication tools to further project, set and define the key topical issues in the electoral process. These discourses and agenda-setting ultimately influence the pattern and further raise the stakes in the elections given that voters are already stuck with these issues, which ultimately informed their choice of candidate. Thus, within the Nigerian context, these discourses are used to heavily influence voters" choices and to define the direction of the voting, as evidenced in both the 2015 and 2019 Presidential elections in the country. Öz: Bu makale, 2015 ve 2019 baĢkanlık seçimlerini, analizinin ana odağı ve Nijerya"daki seçimlerin değiĢen dinamiğinin doğasına iliĢkin bağlamsal anlatı olarak karĢılaĢtırmadaki politik rekabeti/çekiĢmeleri betimlenmektedir. Nijerya"nın politik anlatısında bazı önemli aktörler ve uzmanlarla ikincil kaynakların ve kiĢisel görüĢmelerin kullanılmasını içeren nitel bir araĢtırma tekniği kullanmaktadır. Makale, seçim ve oylama kalıplarının, yalnızca siyasi aktörler tarafından değil, medya ve tüm iletiĢim araçları tarafından, seçim sürecindeki kilit güncel konuları daha da projelendirmek, belirlemek ve tanımlamak için kullanılan bazı gündem ve söylemler tarafından yönlendirildiğini tahmin edebilmektedir. Bu söylemler ve gündem belirleme sonuçta modeli etkilemekte ve seçmenlerin, adaylara seçtiklerini bildiren bu konularla zaten sıkıĢmıĢ olmaları nedeniyle seçimlerde payları daha da arttırmaktadır. Bu anlatılar ve söylemler, ülkedeki 2015 ve 2019 BaĢkanlık seçimlerinde kanıtlandığı gibi, seçmenlerin seçimlerini yoğun bir Ģekilde etkilemek ve oylamanın yönünü tanımlamak için kullanılmaktadır.
International journal of social science and human research, 2023
This study's overarching purpose is to explore the challenges of imbalance and exclusion in our national life between/among states, social and ethnic/religious groups in light of the recent appointments made by the Buhari administration on diversity in Nigeria. This is due to the fact that people who have been excluded have continued to worry over President Muhammadu Buhari's previous nominations. It is an established fact that good governance is characterized by transparency, responsiveness, participation, the rule of law, equity, and accountability. Its fundamental beliefs consist of accommodating and tolerating the various viewpoints of political opponents through intentional inclusion in the political affairs of one's country. Since the inception of democratic dispensation in 1999, governance in Nigeria has always been based on politics of exclusion, both in terms of the opinions of individuals whose contributions are necessary for the development of the country and in terms of the political appointments of individuals from specific areas/sections. These leaders who have attained State authority, control State resources and begin to decide "who gets what, when, and how" in the political system with little or no regard for the country's overall cohesion and progress. The data in this study were analyzed using a qualitative, descriptive technique. Using elite theory, the paper discovered that unless our leaders eschew ethnic, religious, and partisan politics in governance, the clamour for disintegration and crises caused by these ethnic groups will continue to incite unnecessary distractions that will lead to disunity and underdevelopment in Nigeria.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2000
Given the diverse nature of the Nigerian society and the tension associated with political contestations, particularly elective positions at various levels of government, some power sharing frameworks evolved in both formal and informal contexts. The 'Federal Character Principle' for instance, which is a constitutional provision that requires the sharing of major political and bureaucratic positions among the diverse people of Nigeria is meant to ensure fair representation, equitable distribution of political incentives and sense of belonging. This principle is also internalized by the major political parties in Nigeria in their candidates' selection procedures and indeed by the legislature in determination of candidates for legislative leadership positions. Thus using the National Assembly of Nigeria from 1999-2011, the paper examined the extent to which formal and informal power sharing arrangements affects democratic governance in the country. The paper relied on secondary sources of data, which include official documents such as the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, constitutions of various political parties, newspaper and bulletins and some extant literature. Theoretically, Lijphart's (1968; 1977; and 1990) consociational model of Proportional Representation (PR) provided the guide to understanding the power sharing arrangement in Nigeria's democracy and particularly the informal arrangement within the National Assembly. This theoretical stance, though contradicts the broader theory of legislative institutionalization, is seen as an effective strategy for dousing tensions, curtailing upheavals and ensuring mutual trust among the diverse groups of Nigeria for democratic stability. The paper, however, argues that the informal power sharing arrangement in the Nigeria's National Assembly undermines its autonomy, complexity and the principle of universal procedure of conducting legislative business. Essentially, the power sharing arrangement affects the stability of legislative leadership which is central to legislative autonomy and its institutionalization as well. The paper concluded that while the National Assembly in Nigeria is unlikely to institutionalize conventionally, the fragile nature of the informal arrangements of power sharing may also be a source of tension and conflict once it is obstructed.
Jurnal Sosiologi USK (Media Pemikiran & Aplikasi)
Nigerian political system much as other nations across the globe has been set up on a particular structure, which covertly dictates the rules for the manipulations of powers and the access to available resources. The understanding of this structure has enabled some groups (especially the political elites and ethnic cum religious majorities) to chart their way out of group related challenges while the ignorance of the structure has made other groups (the electorates and minority groups) in the same system vulnerable to the inordinate ambitions of other groups. Hierarchies of governments in Nigeria such as federal, state and local governments reflect in their nature, opportunities and vulnerabilities for different categories of people of which if properly understood and utilised, will be more service oriented than theoretical assumption. This paper examines the ideal political structures of Nigerian political system, considering the roles of the elements in these structures, their pra...
It is a great pleasure to publish the second edition of Studies in the Social Sciences (SSSc); which is an official journal of the Faculty of Social Sciences, Federal University Oye-Ekiti (FUOYE), Ekiti state, Nigeria. Social science research cannot be neglected in any society, not because we are social beings, but due to the fact that it offers accurate information that is scientifically proven to the people. Findings from social science research also guide people in their ways of life and find solutions to various social problems they encounter. To this end, this second edition of SSSc puts together studies that cut across various disciplines within the field of social sciences from different states in Nigeria. This second edition of SSSc contains ten articles that address vital contemporary issues for human and national development. These contributions were made from 10 different universities across the six geopolitical zones of Nigeria including a university
Nigerians, having been subjected to different forms of exploitation and misrule, from the mercantilist era to the present era of neoliberalism, appear justified in assessing every form of government including democracy, merely from the point of economic emancipation. Since independence in 1960, Nigeria has undergone repeated cycles of democratic and authoritarian rule, with the military governing for a total of 29 years in the post-colonial era. There was much expression of hope for a 'democracy dividend' that would bring economic revitalization, a restoration of political liberties, inclusion for marginalized groups, and the attenuation of official wrongdoing when democracy returned in 1999. Unfortunately, Nigeria's eighteen-year democracy is yet to significantly fulfill the hope and aspirations of the generality of the citizens. In fact, it seems to have created more anxieties in such areas as security of life and property, electoral violence, and the national economy. It is important to note also that, achieving sustained socioeconomic development will demand solving some of Nigeria's political problems (like fiscal federalism, state police etc) which economists and even politicians pretend have been solved.
Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, 2014
Democracy is often applauded as government of the people wherein power belong to the electorates and the people who elect their representatives to represent and protect their interests. But the ideals of democracy as practiced in advanced Western World do not obtain here in Nigeria. This paper examines the democratic ideals in Nigeria in the present political dispensation. The paper attempts elucidation of the loci of power and authority in Nigeria-is it the electorates/people or the elected and political office holders? The attitudes and behavioral dispositions of office holders towards the people who elected them were xrayed. The submission of this paper is that power belongs to political office holders and their cohorts and not the Nigerian people. The political office holders use their wealth and connections to oppress and dominate the electorates who ideally they are suppose to serve and defend. The policy implication of the issue being examined was discussed and recommendations were made on the feasible way forward.
2019
This work evaluates the political process and governance in Nigeria between1999-2018 with emphasis on the role of the National Assembly and Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The political process comprises the totality of the ways and means of acquiring and exercising governmental authority in a political system. It is the systematic series of actions and guidelines involving relevant institutions that impact on the quest for the exercise of political power in governmental or public affairs of a country or state through periodic elections. The broad objective of the thesis centered on the evaluation of how the role of the National Assembly and Independent National Electoral Commission could enhance good governance in Nigeria. It employed the survey method of research design in which the data required for the study were generated through the instruments of questionnaire, and in-depth interviews. Quota and stratified sampling techniques were mostly used in the selectio...
Journal of Public Administration and Governance, 2012
Nigeria is one of the fast developing nations of the third world, but has many obstacles to her political development. The military ruled Nigeria between 1966Nigeria between to 1979Nigeria between and 1984Nigeria between to 1999 Military dominance in Nigeria Politics has in no small measure impacted negatively on the political development of Nigeria. Therefore political development of Nigeria has been going at a snail speed not only due to frequent military incursion in government but also due to many other impediments which include ethnicity, incumbency politics, tenure elongation, godfatherism and poor political 32 orientation . The paper which is theoretical and persuasive examined all these factors critically and recommended among other things that National Assembly should pass a law to make elective office a single tenure. The economy of Nigeria should be organized to make it more productive and also to devise a vision of society within which each person can reasonably perceive that equity and social justice are firmly on the national agenda. To eradicate ethnic politics in Nigeria efforts should be made towards equitable distribution of social, political and economic gains of the polity. Finally efforts should be made to enforce the section of the constitution that dwelt on the formation of political parties that are devoid of ethnicity.
Abstract The conflicts arising from undemocratic nature of Nigeria political parties in the process of selecting flag bearers has become one of the greatest problems facing the country’s political system and democracy consolidation in the country. In determining whether a political party is undemocratic, attention has been centred on the party's goals and practices. This paper embarked on intellectual excursion to expose some of the major causes of lack of internal democracy among Nigeria’s major political parties i.e. the People Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) which include: Godfatherism, incumbency and lust for power, abuse of party constitution among others. The paper argued that political parties must be democratic not only externally, in their goals, but also democratic internally, in their organizational practices. The paper further looked at the constitutional provisions for internal democracy in the country’s two major political parties and how they have both abused the provisions in their respective 2014 primary elections. Suggestions and recommendations were advanced on how internal democracy can be promoted among Nigeria political parties. Key Words: Democracy, Internal Democracy, Election and Democracy, Political Parties, Nigeria
International Journal of Area Studies, 2016
An attempt to contextualize the political power structure in Nigeria exposes an orientation and practice that directly negates the democratic norm of power belonging to the people. Today, power belongs entirely to government officials who use it to advance the course of their political and economic interests. The people are thus, subjected to the point and path of complete alienation from the demands and benefits of their democratic citizenship. Given the weakness of the rule of law and institutions of check in Nigeria, established statutes and legislation have not been able to stand tall to relevance in dislodging the hegemony of the ruling elites as is evident in our case study-Imo State. This has since 1999, propped up a telling political effect, which also spirals to the arena of development, and quakes the stability of the state, and the nation at large. The paper examines the current domiciliation of political power, its potential effect on the people, and on service delivery ...
This paper mines the relationship between elections, governance and development in Nigeria from 2013-2023. a. It contends that flawed elections reflects in shoddy governance which in turn impedes development. The data used in the study were drawn mainly from documents, including published literature, official documents, and media reports. The analysis in this article draw from my observation of Nigeria's electoral process, governance situation and development trends. This article is organized in five sections. After this introduction, the second section will explore the link between elections, governance and development in political and development theory. Thereafter, the article will analyse the situation with elections in Nigeria. In the fourth section, the article will examine the ways in which elections have influenced governance and development in Nigeria. Finally, the paper suggested ways in which the electoral process can be modified to support good governance and development in Nigeria.
SHEHU OTHMAN AND GAVIN WILLIAMS Final text For correction and publication IN Jonathan Hyslop, ed. African Democratisation in an Era of Globalisation. Witwatersrand University Press 1999
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