A Receipt for the Didrachmia of Souchos from the Mikkalos Archive

Chór, vysoký oltář a knížecí hroby ve františkánském kostele v Krakově ve 13. století. Minorité přišli do Krakova z Prahy v roce 1237. Zakladatelem jejich kláštera byl krakovský palatin Teodor z rodu Gryfitů. Mezi pozdějšími dobrodinci kláštera byli mimo jiné Blahoslavená Salomea (vdova po Kolomanovi, králi Haliče), její bratr, krakovský kníže Boleslav Stydlivý, a jeho manželka, svatá Kinga (dcera maďarského krále Bely IV.). Salomea byla pohřbena v chóru minoritského kostela v Krakově v roce 1269. Jak bylo zaznamenáno ve 14. století, Boleslav, který zemřel v roce 1279, byl také pohřben v chóru před velkým oltářem. Původní kostel sv. Františka byl zbudován na půdorysu řeckého kříže, se sakristií mezi východním a jižním ramenem. Práce začaly nejdříve na konci 40. let 13. století, či spíše v příštím desetiletí. Kolem roku 1269 byl kostel již používán. Chybějící archeologický výzkum neumožňuje říci, zda byla křížová stavba úplným celkem, nebo zda bylo od počátku plánováno její prodloužení na západ v té či oné podobě. Analýza zmínek o knížecích hrobkách umožňuje představit dvě varianty topografie kostela ve 13. století. V první stál při východní stěně východního rozpětí křížové konstrukce oltář a před ním byly hroby Salomei a Boleslava a lavice pro bratry. Ve druhé variantě, která se jeví jako pravděpodobnější, byl řádový chór s hrobkou Salomei také umístěn ve východním rameni kříže, ale situovaný za velkým oltářem. V takovém případě by byl kníže Boleslav pohřben ve středním rozpětí křížové stavby, jehož rozšiřování pravděpodobně právě začalo. Rozšíření kostela ve čtvrté čtvrtině 13. století o dvoulodní loď mělo za následek posunutí lavic do západního ramene kříže. Křížové uspořádání původního kostela má svůj zdroj v bazilice sv. František z Assisi. Důvodem nebylo jen společné patrocinium pro oba kostely, ale svůj význam mohl mít i fakt, že svatořečení sv. Stanislava, krakovského biskupa a mučedníka, vyhlásili roku 1253 v assiské bazilice. Polští františkáni se zapojili do procesu kanonizace a později do propagace kultu

2014

Edition of P.Cair.Cat. 10441, recognised as the top left part of SB VI 9124 (P.IFAO inv. 317), containing a monthly register of tax receipts issued to Ankophis son of Pabous by the praktores argyrikōn of Soknopaiou Nesos in the early III century CE, Abous and his fellows. The document is closely paralleled by SB XIV 11971, dealing with the same people and the same tax, hyper aporikou/-ōn. A full revision of the previously published IFAO fragment is provided as well.

2021

MTM 50, 2015

The monastery of Hoṙomos is situated on the right bank of the Axurean river, about 5 km as the crow flies to the north-east of Ani, the Armenian “city of 1000 churches.” When the monastery was founded (c. 930), Ani was still little more than a fortress. Soon, however, Ani grew into a royal city (960) and the see of the Catholicos (992), while the humble monastic congregation became the “rest place of the Kings,” the chaplaincy of the capital, an important cultural centre and a showcase of Bagratid architecture. It continued to develop and prosper up to the end of the 13th century. From the 19th century onwards, the site was visited by learned travellers, who described the monuments and transcribed their inscriptions. About 1910, the famous historian of Armenian arts, T‘oros T‘oramanean, drew complete plans and elevations of the extant buildings, with a detailed account of their decoration. In 1920, however, Turkey annexed the province of Kars and Hoṙomos was included in a military zone, inaccessible to archaeological research. Only in 2013 and 2014, were Armenian visitors able to penetrate the site again and to take new photographs of monuments and inscriptions. The present volume, with contributions by six authors, takes a fresh look at the site, providing exhaustive updated information. A comprehensive study of the history of the monastic congregation from the 10th to the 20th century is followed by a general survey of the architecture, a detailed examination of a new kind of monastic structure, the žamatun, endowed with rich symbolic decoration, a decipherment of the crosses and xač‘k‘ars, a review of the manuscript output of the scriptorium, and finally, an epigraphic corpus providing both a photograph and a drawing for each extant inscription, thus ensuring a much more complete and reliable text than in all previous editions and translations. This publication was made possible by a generous grant from the Dolores Zohrab Liebmann Fund. ISBN : 978-2-916716-57-2

YES 11. New Haven: Yale Egyptological Institute, 2018, 2018

A Commemoration Ritual for Senwosret I, better known under the term Ramesseum Dramatic Papyrus, is a document that was found in a late Middle Kingdom tomb in the Ramesseum necropolis, together with other manuscripts and artefacts, all primarily magico-medical in function. The present study discusses the occupation of the tomb owner based on an analysis of this exceptional find in its entirety. The main core of the book is dedicated, however, to the Ramesseum Dramatic Papyrus. It examines the fabrication of the manuscript and its present condition. An updated translation and a grammatical analysis of the text are provided and a discussion of the relationship of myth and ritual as well as of the dramatic aspect of the ritual is included. Based on the analysis of the content, the participants in the ritual, the representation of the king in the Vignettes, and relying on the comparison between the rites occurring in this document and those included in other royal and statue rituals attested from ancient Egypt, it can be shown that the text features a ritual that was held in commemoration of the deceased king Senwosret I. The book also includes photographs of the manuscript as well as digital drawings of the papyrus.

DACIA, 2020

Abstract: The object E 67 belongs to the Ancient Egyptian Fund in the collections of the “Vasile Pârvan” Institute of Archaeology in Bucharest. It is a singular piece, a wooden ushabti‑box whose funerary utility was to house the statuettes of funerary servants of shabti/shawabti/ushabti type. The lid of the funerary casket is missing. From the inventory records we learn only that it comes from the Mihail C. Sutzu donation (made sometime after 1870). Therefore, it is impossible to determine from which site the piece originates. Furthermore, its typological classification and the identity of its owner are rather problematic, and as a result, this severely affects the possibility of exact dating. The wooden ushabti‑box has been whitewashed then polychrome painted, and it still displays a hieroglyphic inscription which runs continuously, in columns, from right to left, on each of its four outer sides. The inscription consists of the offering formula addressed to several funerary deities: Osiris‑Khenti‑amentiw, Atum, Ptah‑Sokar‑Osiris, Ra‑Horakhty, Wennen‑nefer, Geb. The inscription is recorded in semi‑cursive hieroglyphic writing. The text is deteriorated to a significant extent, so that in some places the proposed reading can be reconstructed based on the information provided by similar offering formulas, due to the presence of relatively standardized expressions, or by association with other known formulas. In a few other cases, the difficulty of deciphering the inscription is caused by the fact that some hieroglyphs are drawn either extremely cursively, or it is possible that the scribe himself has confused the signs, or they are erased or partially damaged. This is the case of the back curved and shorter side 2 and front curved and shorter side 4 respectively, on which it can be noticed the quite visible traces of some erased hieroglyphs, as well as some other hieroglyphs which have been drawn carelessly. The inscription mentions the female name of the owner, Dd‑mwt‑i(w).s‑anx. This is a common name during the Third Intermediate Period (the 21st Dynasty and later), if we were to mention here only the case of a well‑known feminine character, the homonymous Priestess with the high rank of Chantress of the God Amun and Chief of Amun’s Harem of Thebes. The tomb where she is interred, MM60, is located at Deir el‑Bahari, in the Theban Necropolis, on the west bank of the Nile in current Luxor. It is also the burial place of several high‑ranking individuals dating to the 21st Dynasty. However, our current information does not suggest any connection between Dd‑mwt‑i(w).s‑anx, the feminine owner of the ushabti‑box E 67 from the “Vasile Pârvan” Institute of Archeology in Bucharest, and the 21st Dynasty homonymous Priestess of Amun in Thebes. Piesa E 67 aparține fondului de antichități egiptene din colecțiile Institutului de Arheologie „Vasile Pârvan” din București. Este o piesă unică, un cufăr‑sicriu (casetă funerară) din lemn pentru ushabti, a cărei utilitate era să adăpostească statuetele servitorilor funerari de tip shabti/shawabti/ushabti în mormântul proprietarului defunct. Capacul cufărului lipsește. Din registrele‑inventar aflăm doar că aceasta provine din donația Mihail C. Sutzu (făcută cândva după 1870). De aceea, este imposibil de determinat care este situl de proveniență al piesei. Mai mult, clasificarea sa tipologică, precum și identitatea proprietarului, sunt mai degrabă problematice și, în consecință, afectează grav posibilitatea datării cu exactitate. Cufărul pentru ushabti este tencuit și apoi vopsit policrom, prezentând o inscripție hieroglifică executată de‑a lungul a câte patru coloane, dispuse continuu, de la dreapta la stânga, pe fiecare dintre cele patru fețe exterioare ale sale. Inscripția constă în formula de ofrandă adresată mai multor divinități: Osiris‑Khenti‑amentiw, Atum, Ptah‑Sokar‑Osiris, Ra‑Horakhty, Wennen‑nefer, Geb. Inscripția este redactată în scrierea hieroglifică cursivă. Textul este deteriorat într‑o măsură importantă, astfel încât, în câteva locuri, lectura propusă poate fi reconstituită pe baza informațiilor pe care le avem din formulele de ofrandă similare, datorită prezenței unor expresii relativ standardizate, sau prin asocierea cu alte formule cunoscute. În alte câteva cazuri, dificultatea descifrării inscripției este cauzată de faptul că unele hieroglife sunt trasate fie extrem de cursiv, fie este posibil ca scribul însuși să fi confundat semnele, fie acestea sunt șterse sau parțial deteriorate. Este cazul fețelor exterioare mai scurte și curbate posterioară 2 respectiv anterioară 4, pe care se pot observa urmele destul de vizibile ale unor hieroglife șterse, precum și unele hieroglife care au fost trasate neglijent. Inscripția menționează numele feminin al proprietarei, Dd‑mwt‑i(w).s‑anx. Acesta este un nume frecvent în A Treia Perioadă Intermediară (Dinastia a XXI‑a și ulterior), dacă ar fi să amintim aici doar cazul unui cunoscut personaj feminin omonim, Preoteasa având rangul înalt de Cântăreață a zeului Amun și Șefa Haremului lui Amun de la Teba. Mormântul acesteia, MM60, situat la Deir el‑Bahari, în necropola de la Teba, pe malul occidental al Nilului, în orașul actual Luxor, este locul de înmormântare al mai multor particulari de rang înalt din Dinastia a XXI‑a. Informațiile pe care le deținem în prezent nu indică, însă, nicio legătură între Dd‑mwt‑i(w)‑s‑anx, proprietara cufărului‑sicriu pentru ushabti E 67 de la Institutul de Arheologie „Vasile Pârvan” din București și Preoteasa omonimă a lui Amun de la Teba, din Dinastia a XXI‑a.

2020

An indefatigable energy and concern for Polish Mediterranean archaeology led * * * On behalf of my friends, colleagues and associates from the National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums of Sudan, I am honored to express our thanks and appreciation to a man whose life as a scholar has been devoted to uncovering an important part of our Sudanese national heritage. Over the years and throughout my time with the Sudanese antiquities service, as well as my academic career with the Institute of Archaeology and now the Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology, I have had the opportunity to work with Włodek, to benefit from his knowledge of Ancient Nubia, and most importantly, to shape my own views on the issues involved in often heated debate, but always seeking that level of scientific truth that is a mark of scholarly excellence. Mahmoud El-Tayeb Addresses and Tabula Gratulatoria 12 Aegyptus et Nubia Christiana Addresses and Tabula Gratulatoria * * * On behalf of the organizers and participants of the National Conference of * * * Thank you for the past thirty years. If I am where I am today, it is because you were there to inspire, to discuss and to "push", whenever I wavered. I am proud to have worked together on so many different initiatives, during the years at the National Museum in Warsaw, as part of the Naqlun excavation project and as a co-organizer of the 11th Conference of Nubian Studies. Thank you for the challenges that I have risen to and the ones that we may yet achieve working together. Iwona Zych 13 Aegyptus et Nubia Christiana Addresses and Tabula Gratulatoria * * * Congratulations for your wonderful career and for the result we expect. Charles Bonnet * * * Don't forget: Beyond 60 you are ageless.

Balcanica L, 2019

In the Ottoman Empire extortion on a local level was a frequent practice and it took diverse forms. The Ottoman documents preserved in the archive of the Monastery of Hilandar (Mount Athos) give us a picture of the ways in which its monks struggled to preserve their privileges and protect their large metochion at Zdravikion (about 700 dönüms). Their basic tax obligation to the "master of the land" (sahib-i arz) was paid annually in a lump sum (maktu') ever since 1481, when sultan Bayezid II exempted them from paying the tithe at the express request of the Wallachian voivode Basarab II Țepeluș. The annual lump sum of 600 akçes accounted for only a half of the total tax burden-they had been relieved of paying the other half by the sultan himself. This privilege was confirmed by all subsequent sultans, most likely until 1569. Local masters of the land (at first sipahis, then hass and finally vakıf authorities) persistently and in various ways sought to impose the payment of the tithe. This paper presents different arguments they used in the attempt to extort the payment of the tithe and the monks' firm attitude in defending their rights before the kadı' s court and the Imperial Divan. Monks were able to prove their rights because they conscientiously kept, sometimes for centuries, all the necessary documents relating to their land possessions, producing them as evidence in court proceedings.

Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi, 2020

Bu makalede, timar sisteminin 16. yüzyılın sonlarında başlayan zayıflama nedeniyle timarlı sipahilerin askeri görevlerini giderek azalan bir ölçekte yerine getirdikleri konusunda genel kabul gören iddianın doğruluk derecesini araştırdık. Süvarilerin ve atlarının enerji gereksinimlerinden hareketle, almaları gereken gıda miktarını, bunların güncel parasal değerini, "ortalama" bir timarlı sipahi ve cebelülerin 15-17. yüzyıllarda yapılan yedi seferde meydan savaşları ve kuşatmalar sırasında kullandıkları savaş araç ve gereçlerinin maliyetini hesapladık. Bu hesaplamalar sonucunda ortaya çıkan sefer maliyetlerini "ortalama" bir timarın geliri olarak kabul ettiğimiz parasal tutarla karşılaştırdık. Tüm bu seferlerde timar sisteminin askeri yükümlülüklerini büyük bir rahatlıkla yerine getirebilecek finansal güce sahip olduğu sonucuna vardık.

For more than a century, the alphabetic inscription on the early-first-millennium Ördekburnu stele has defied decipherment. In 1915, Lidzbarski labeled the language of the hardly legible text non-Semitic, and most specialists have followed suit. We present a new collation of the stele, with a drawing, and a partial transliteration and translation of the Sam'alian text.