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1992, Studies in Comparative Communism
In Ukraine, as in the other former Soviet republics, the failed August, 1991, putsch resulted in a sudden and dramatic change in the political situation. On August '24, 1991, the Supreme Soviet in Kiev proclaimed Ukraine an independent state subject to a referendum on December 1, 1991. The communist party was first suspended and then banned altogether on the basis of evidence that its leadership supported the putschists in Moscow. Several days later, the communist-dominated majority in the Supreme Soviet dissolved itself, shifting the balance of power to the democratic forces which, although often divided over tactics, have been united on the fundamental question of full independence and statehood. The Ukrainian referendum yielded an astounding 90.32 per cent vote in favor of independence, thereby sealing the fate of the Soviet Union. The new Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), which was formed in December and is seen by many as the successor state to the Soviet Union, remains an unknown quantity. As Li&raturnaya ga:eta commcntcd in its first issue for 1992, the CIS lcadcrs are beginning to realize that thus far the Commonwealth does not cvcn exist on paper. The resignation of Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev, argues the writers' weekly, in no way signifies the destruction of the center, but rathct "the transfer of lhc idea of central power into other I1ca&" l'ltc key issue, it continues, is the Ukrainian-Russian relationship. This is a polite way of saying that Russia has yet to come to terms with the loss of empire and that Ukraine, as in the past, continues to play a pre-eminent role in the search for Russia's identity. The Ukrainian-Russian Nexus Among the factors that have distinguished Ukraine from the other former republics is its size, economic potential, and geopolitical position. With a population of nearly 52 million, it is the second largest of the former republics after the RSFSR. Kiev, the Ukrainian capital, has almost double the population of ail of Estonia and equals that of Latvia, while Donetsk, one of the 25 oblasts, is considerably larger than Lithuania. The Ukrainian economy, ranked highest in a recent Deutschc Bank study of former republics,2 accounts for about one-fifth of the Soviet gross national income. Moreover, Ukraine occupied a strategic geopolitical position in the Soviet West that provided the Soviet Union with a "European" identity. In short, without
Connections: The Quarterly Journal, 2002
Introduction and background Ukraine made a significant contribution to the fall of the USSR. Without Ukraine, it was inconceivable for the Soviet Empire to survive, but if Ukraine had not seceded, then a new union of three East Slavic nations-that is, a reduced version of the USSR-would have been possible. After the failed coup attempt on 19-21 August 1991, all the Union Republics of the USSR except for Russia declared their withdrawal from the Soviet Union. Politically, Ukraine's independence in effect meant establishing independence from Russia, since the Soviet Union had de facto ceased to exist as early as the fall of 1991. Under Boris Yeltsin, Russia in a sense incorporated the USSR, and even if, in terms of international law, Ukraine seceded from the USSR, in reality it left Russia. It broke away from the common state formed with the Russian people and began a new attempt to create a Ukrainian state without Russia. Moreover, under the then-prevailing conditions, "without Russia" meant, in one way or another, "against Russia." This was because Russia, for its part, was not prepared to reconcile itself to Ukrainian independence. Therefore, the political sovereignty of Ukraine could be achieved only as a counterweight to Russia. Concerning this aim, all of Ukraine's political forces in 1991-namely, the national democrats led by the People's Movement (Rukh) of Ukraine, and the national Communists led by Leonid Kravchuk-held one and the same opinion. In 1991, the independence of Ukraine was frowned upon in the West, not only in Russia. In the main, Ukraine faced a lack of understanding and a lack of acceptance. Maintaining Ukrainian sovereignty was inconceivable without putting some distance between itself and Russia and without a sharp denunciation of any Russian attempt to claim that a Russian-Ukrainian entity still continued to exist. That is why, from the very beginning of its independent existence, Ukraine regarded the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) as an instrument of civilized divorce rather than a basis for renewed integration. Ukraine's policy was to prevent by all possible means the CIS from assuming the attributes of a supranational or international legal entity. Ukraine refused to join the Tashkent Treaty on collective security and did not ratify the CIS Charter.
2020
Euromaidan-also known as the Revolution of Dignity-and the de-facto war with Russia changed Ukrainian politics and society. The brutal attacks and the killing of dozens of protesters in winter 2013-14, the collapse of Viktor Yanukovych's regime in February, Russia's annexation of Crimea in March and its covert intervention in Donbas in summer 2014 had a profound impact on self-identification and attitudes within Ukrainian society. Prior to the Euromaidan Revolution, a weak national identity was considered to be one of the main challenges to successful state-and nation-building in Ukraine. Identity divisions impeded the formation of a modern state and caused constant oscillations between Russia and the West. Even though scholars debated the salience of different factors (ethnicity, language, values and ideology) and the extent of their impact, a consensus was forged as to the existence of major cleavages. Eventually, these divisive lines were skillfully manipulated, which facilitated Russia's intervention. Euromaidan and the conflict with Russia affected Ukrainians' ethnic, linguistic and geopolitical identifications and reinvigorated nation-building. Previously highly divisive identity issues-such as the status of the Russian language, for example-became less sensitive. As a result, several political projects, which were built on an appeal to identities, such as the nationalist Svoboda (Freedom) and the pro-Russian Communist Party, collapsed. The presidential campaign of 2019 served to reconfirm the ongoing identity shifts. The incumbent, Petro Poroshenko, failed to rally sufficient support behind an identity-based "Army. Language. Faith" campaign, whereas his ethnically Jewish and MARCH 2020 Russian-speaking opponent, Volodymyr Zelensky, won a landslide victory under vague slogans of unity. Several studies have dealt with these shifts and analyzed their implications. Prior to 2014, accounts identified ethno-linguistic cleavages as a crucial dividing line, and subsequently focused on major competing ethno-linguistic identities-namely, ethnic Ukrainian and Eastern Slavic/ Russophone and their mixed forms-shaped around language use/identity and nationality.1 Ethnic accounts were confronted with studies of civic Ukrainian nationalism, offering a more inclusive concept.2 Yet the civic identification with the Ukrainian state remained weak, partially due to state inefficiency. After Euromaidan, analysts3 recorded that the national identity became more salient and unified, indicating the "birth of a political nation" in a "more Ukrainian" Ukraine.4 Two major findings support this claim. On the one hand, ethnic cleavages were softened, to a large extent due to a sharp weakening of Russian identity. A bottom-up de-Russification process resulted in the transformation of Russian speakers' identity from Soviet to Ukrainian, even though the language practice was preserved.5 On the other hand, a rise in civic identity was witnessed,6 including an increase in the identification of Ukraine as the "homeland"7 and the bottom-up forging and strengthening of civic identity in 2017-2018.8 Yet the civic-ethnic debates were challenged by studies of a value divide between "European" and post-/neo-Soviet "East Slavonic" in 1 For instance, see Brubaker, R. 2011. Nationalizing states revisited: projects and processes of nationalization in post-Soviet states.
Czasopismo Geograficzne, 2022
The Russian side often talks about the special ties between Russia and Ukraine. This assumption underlies the Russian geopolitical doctrine. Nevertheless, Ukraine does not share this view, wishing to be a sovereign and independent state. Russia cannot understand that, however, being stuck in its imperial myth and one-sided interpretation of former and today's determinants. Meanwhile, Russians and Ukrainians were moulded by different historical circumstances, which was manifested in the emergence of two distinct languages and national traditions. In addition, historical processes tied Ukrainians more closely to the freedom traditions of the West, while the Russians were much more exposed to the impact of the despotic East, which was one of the main factors behind the distinctive features of both nations. The existence within the borders of one state for 200-300 years did not erase these differences. The emancipation of people's masses that took place from the mid-19th century made the distinctive features more visible and had to lead to political divisions. For this reason, even the USSR was constituted as a union. This fact, however, did not prevent its dissolution. As a result, Ukraine has been an independent country for three decades. Russian actions counteracting these tendencies, strengthened even more the sense of distinctiveness of Ukrainians and their western civilisational and geopolitical orientation. Owing to this fact, Russia's integrative actions against Ukraine, carried out by imperial and despotic methods, are doomed to failure.
On 24 August 1991, the Supreme Council of the Ukrainian SSR proclaimed independence, and on 1 December the same year, the Ukrainian people ratified that proclamation in a referendum. The new Ukrainian state had some very important assets, such as the peaceful path that led to its independence, the fact that its territory was uncontested and its civilian administration was established. They downside, which determined Ukraine’s fundamental weaknesses, was that like the other former Soviet republics, it had been part of the Soviet state and had no central state bodies of its own, such as a general staff, a bank of issue, or most of the necessary ministries. After nearly a quarter century of peaceful development, interrupted by the outbreak of the war in 2014, Ukraine is still weak, but at the same time it has consolidated internally and internationally, demonstrated its capacity to withstand armed aggression, and is actively looking for its place in the world. The country’s greatest success has been to raise a new generation of ‘natural-born citizens’ of Ukraine, while its greatest failure has been to succumb to the dramatic population decline with irreversible consequences, and to allow the impoverishment of the lower strata of society, typical for all the post-Soviet states. The present paper is not a history of independent Ukraine, but an attempt to present the main mechanisms by which the former Soviet republic has transformed itself into an independent state with a market economy. It is therefore mainly focused on internal developments in Ukraine.
Ukraine's "Orange Revolution" directed the world's attention to a nation formally brushed off as a Russian satellite state. The international press portrayed Victor Yushchenko's democratic challenge to the fraudulently elected Victor Yanukovych as the birth of Ukrainian independence. But though there's no doubt that Ukrainian civil society has come of age, is the independence movement as young as all that? The author gives a historical overview of Ukrainian relations with Russia, and argues that talk of an East-West divide along pro- and anti-Russian lines simplifies the reality of a culturally and ideologically eclectic nation.
Political Insight (vol. 13/1 pp. 15-17 March 2022), 2022
Revista de Științe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques, 2018
The current borders of Ukraine arose during the Soviet ruling of the country, different regions were incorporated into their territory from the 20s to the 50s of the last century due to the annexations and territorial transfers, that were made by the different leaders of Moscow. Thus, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukraine achieved independence with a territorial extension that reaches all regions inhabited mostly by ethnically Ukrainian population. At the moment of independence most of its citizens put their regional problems aside to show themselves as a united country and so that Ukraine achieves international recognition as a new independent State. However, as time goes by the disagreements have resurfaced, which shows that these tensions continued existing although they seemed hidden for years. We need to keep in mind that to understand all these issues it is necessary to analyze how the historical evolution of the Ukrainian territory has been, yet it is not only about climatic differences or economic issues. For this reason, this paper aims to study the differences that have historically existed in Ukraine. These differences were caused by territories that once were part of other powers and now are integrated in Ukraine and by the influences received by external actors. It should be considered that most of the current conflicts come from there. Therefore, this contribution intends to show how, from the historical formation of the Ukrainian territory, the conflicts are taking place in the Slavic country. To carry out this study we will focus on a historical reconstruction of the national question.
Katowice : Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego eBooks, 2018
on august 24, 2016, Ukraine celebrated the 25th anniversary of gaining independence. despite the fact that this country is very young, Ukrainians have existed as an ethnic group for many centuries. They lived on the territories that belonged to different countries at different times, including The russian Empire, poland, The austro-hungarian Empire, hungary, and romania. now, Ukraine is one of the largest countries in Europe with the area of 603,500 m 2 and population of approximately 42 million people. it would seem that a country which eventually received the long-awaited independence ought to have responsibility to build a strong united society in order to protect its sovereignty, but that did not happen in the 1990s. neither did it happen in the next decade. on the contrary, Ukraine faced several political and economic crises that, in turn, caused the societal crisis that continues to harm Ukraine and its people. in 1993, professor Volodymyr lanoviy, who was the Minister of Economy of Ukraine, wrote: "i am sick and tired of hearing political leaders say 'We are just beginning, we are trying to learn how to steer Ukraine out of political crisis'" (lanoviy 1993: 194). it turned out that this task has become too complicated for him and other politicians. instead of uniting the country by introducing a common narrative of national identity, several very different narratives started to emerge in the 1990s, and now they stand in the way of peaceful and stable development of Ukraine. at first, there were two major narratives-pro-Ukrainian and pro-Soviet (pro-russian). as lanoviy wrote in 1993, "in the West of Ukraine, the popularity of the national socialists is growing rapidly and the republicans are losing the confidence of the population. in the East of Ukraine, the authority and prestige of communism is on the rise" (lanoviy 1993: 194). it should not be surprising that such polarization of the Ukrainian society took place very shortly after the country had declared independence. in the academic literature, there have already been many studies proving that sharp economic declines have negative influence on people's preferences with regard to existing economic and political
LeftEast, 2021
After the 30 years after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Ukraine may give a unique perspective on the post-Soviet condition in general and understand it as the ongoing unresolved crisis of the fundamental relation of representation between the political elites and social groups interests.
Ukraine's development since proclamation of independence in 1991 has been driven by a strategy of geopolitical oscillations between two " vectors " : the European Union (EU) and Russia. The government that came to power as a result of the Maidan revolution of 2014 followed the western advice to treat the two " vectors " as mutually incompatible. Petro Poroshenko's pro-European stance following the 2014 " Maidan revolution " has led to decisions that are driving Ukraine away from Russia. Ukraine's celebrated (and much criticized) multivectorism has finally given way to a one-sided orientation on the West. However, economic downturn and higher inflation, coupled with the European Union's refusal to entertain Ukraine's EU membership bid, have raised doubts about the usefulness of alienating Russia for the purpose of closer European Union integration. Until the violent ouster of President Yanukovych, Ukraine still had some space for tactical manoeuvring to benefit from the development of trade relations with Russia and the EU simultaneously. Now this possibility has been foreclosed for the foreseeable future. There has been no good reason for such a turn of events beyond geopolitical, cold war reasoning of the West that has historically viewed Russia as an enemy. One particular specimen of the cold war guard that has preserved this Russophobic attitude intact since the last days of World War II is Ukrainian diaspora in the West. The chapter examines the causes behind the collapse of Ukraine's multivectorism and the transformation of what could be mutually compatible projects of the European and Eurasian regional integration into a contestation for regional predominance, with Ukraine becoming a victim in a tug-of-war between Russia and the West.
2015
This book is devoted to the first 22 years of independent Ukraine. The papers were written before november 2013, they reflect the situation and the opinions of the authors of the Yanukovych era, before Majdan. The events of 2013–2014 indicate that in the 23 years of independence (1991–2013) deep changes occurred in Ukrainian society. The fluidity of the situation condemns any answer to remain tentative and to be contradicted by the facts of the next day.
In 1988, the first edition of Orest Subtelny's Ukraine was published to international acclaim, as the definitive history of what was at that time a republic in the USSR. In the years since, the world has seen the dismantling of the Soviet bloc and the restoration of Ukraine's independence -an event celebrated by Ukrainians around the world but which also heralded a time of tumultuous change for those in the homeland. While previous updates brought readers up to the year 2000, this new fourth edition includes an overview of Ukraine's most recent history, focusing on the dramatic political, socio-economic, and cultural changes that occurred during the Kuchma and Yushchenko presidencies. It analyses political developments -particularly the so-called Orange Revolution -and the institutional growth of the new state. Subtelny examines Ukraine's entry into the era of globalization, looking at social and economic transformations, regional, ideological, and linguistic tensions, and describes the myriad challenges currently facing Ukrainian state and society.
Ukraine Analytica, 2021
In a realistic analysis of the status of national sovereignty of Ukraine and other post-Soviet states, the author argues that Russian aggression against Ukraine, post-Soviet frozen conflicts, and the U.S.-Russia antagonism have established the political, legal and military macrocontext in which Ukraine can develop for the foreseeable future. In this context, Ukraine can maintain its existing and even regain its pre-2014 level of sovereignty if it develops either as a buffer zone between the EU/West and Russia, or as NATO’s battering ram. The author concludes that the new Eastern Europe will remain a region of damaged national sovereignties with a high chance for new conflicts and poor chances for stable peace and socio-economic prosperity.
How Ukraine became the center for geopolitics in Europe after the Cold War, 2021
Date of essay: 27.08.2021 How Did Ukraine Become the Center for Geopolitics in Europe after the Cold War? During the last decade, Ukraine has become the host-country of a serious security crisis on the European continent, in which has been the most prevalent to occur since the end of the Cold War (Masters, 2020). Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the United States voiced their support for NATO to expand to the former Soviet republics in both the Central and Eastern parts of Europe (Rutland, 2015: p.3). The withdrawal of communism in Eastern Europe also led the EU to hold accession talks with countries from the region as early as in 1998 (ibid.). As the second largest state of the Soviet republics, behind only Russia itself,
Abs t r a c t. The article determines the meaning of confrontation between the leading centers of international pressure. According to the geographical status, Ukraine can be the main confrontation object between the USA, Russia, and the EU in order to show their presence in the Eurasian region. Nowadays Ukraine is considered to be one of the key countries that can transform the world order. Ke ywords: Ukraine, Russia, the USA, EU, world order, world geopolitical centers, confrontation of great powers
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