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2011, Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
The four goblets from Vicarello, which show copies of a Roman itinerary from Gades to Rome engraved on their outside (CIL XI 3281–3284), are usually interpreted as souvenirs brought to Vicarello by Spaniards as votive offerings after a long journey. In this article it is argued that these itineraries (just like the one in Metrodorus’ poem, Anth. Pal. XIV 121) are representing the legendary Via Herculis; they are to be understood as a Roman attempt to grasp the immense mythical distance by means of exact measurement. The goblets should be dated to the 4th century AD (goblet IV being the oldest, from the very beginning of the century), not to Augustan or Trajan times.
T. Biggs and J. Blum. The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature. YCS. Cambridge University Press., 2019
Palestine Exploration Quarterly, 2024
Through the prism of a fairly recent discovery of a milestone, the present article sheds light on the Roman road in the Gennesaret Valley, particularly the span connecting Tiberias to Julias. Building on Zvi Ilan’s initiative in the 1980s, the author will emphasise two milestones: IMC 694 and IMC 847. Dating to 120 CE, the latter stone’s inscription not only divulges the role of Emperor Hadrian in the artery’s construction, but establishes Tiberias as its caput viae. By delving into historical sources, contemporary research, and the broader context of Hadrian’s infrastructure initiatives throughout the province of Judaea, the paper explicates the road network’s purpose and strategic importance during the Roman era.
This paper was written as the final project for a UC Davis graduate-level independent study.
Keywords: the Antonine itinerary, Britannia, Gallia, Hispania, Asia, road construction Abstract: In an article published in 2001, Ray Laurence analyzed several aspects related to the geography of Roman Britain, based on ancient sources, including the Antonine itinerary1. Trying to present the structure and the information from the Antonine itinerary with reference to Britain, Laurence noted: “A key question is whether the structure of the itineraries for Britain reveals a geography that is distinct from the itineraries of other parts of the Roman Empire. When compared to the data for Italy, there is no significant difference between these itineraries in the range of miles between each stage, or the average spacing of places along routes”2. Further on, the author compared the distances from the Antonine itinerary for two regions: Britain and Italy. A total number of 163 distances are recorded for Italy in the Antonine itinerary and 160 distances are recorded for Britain. Based on these comparisons, the author has observed that the average distance between the settlements from Italy varies between 16 and 20 miles. For Britain, the average distance between the settlements varies between 11 and 15 miles. Ray Laurence has explained these differences based on a road construction criterion. In his opinion, in Britain, because of a lower quality of the Roman roads, the stopping points were located much closer than in Italy, where the surface of the roads was of better quality. My analysis focuses on other Roman provinces (Gallia, Hispania, Asia, Pannonia, and Moesia). Comparing the distance values from these regions, I reached the conclusion that the origin of the distances with smaller or higher values is not related to the quality of the roads, but they reflect the sources used to compile the Peutinger map and the Antonine itinerary. Cuvinte-cheie: Itinerarium Antonini, Britannia, Gallia, Hispania, Asia, construcție de drumuri Rezumat: Într-un articol publicat în anul 2001, Ray Laurence a discutat câteva aspecte legate de geografia Britanniei, pe baza unor surse antice, printre care şi Itinerarium Antonini3. În încercarea de a prezenta structura şi informaţiile din Itinerarium Antonini cu referire la Britannia, Laurence precizează: „A key question is whether the structure of the itineraries for Britain reveals a geography that is distinct from the itineraries of other parts of the Roman Empire. When compared to the data for Italy, there is no significant difference between these itineraries in the range of miles between each stage, or the average spacing of places along routes”4. Mai departe, autorul a comparat distanţele menţionate în Itinerarium Antonini pentru două provincii: Britannia şi Italia. Documentul antic înregistrează un număr total de 163 de distanțe în Italia și 160 de distanțe în Britannia. Pe baza acestor observații, Ray Laurence a menționat că distanța medie consemnată în Itinerarium Antonini între așezările din Italia este cuprinsă între valorile de 16-20 de mile romane. Pentru Britannia, valorile de distanțe medii consemnate în Itinerarium Antonini sunt cuprinse între 11- 15 mile romane. Laurence a explicat aceste diferențe ca având legătură directă cu calitatea drumurilor. În opinia lui, din cauza drumurilor mai slabe din punct de vedere calitativ în Britannia, punctele de oprire de-a lungul drumurilor au fost amplasate la distanțe mai reduse unul față de altul, spre deosebire de Italia, unde, crede Laurence, drumurile au fost mai bine construite. Analiza mea se oprește și asupra altor provincii romane (Gallia, Hispania, Asia, Pannonia, Moesia). Comparând distanțele înregistrate în Itinerarium Antonini în aceste provincii, am ajuns la concluzia că distanțele cu valori mai mici sau mai mari nu au legătură cu calitatea drumurilor, ci mai degrabă reflectă sursele primare pe care le-au avut la dispoziție cei care au compilat Tabula Peutingeriana şi Itinerarium Antonini.
Rome and the Guidebook Tradition from the Middle Ages to the 20th Century, 2019
2023
Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of Postgraduates in Ancient History, held in Barcelona between the 11th and 12th of April 2022.
M. Ricci ed., Medways Open Atlas, LetteraVentidue Edizioni, Siracusa,, 2022
The Mediterranean that we are describing in the Medways research is divided in two parts by an ancient line. This line dates back to the time of Diocletian who introduced the tetrarchy dividing the Roman Empire into separate administrative domains, one in the East and one in the West. Perhaps this line has shifted today from its original position, but it is still there, and the ongoing war in Ukraine seems to be a consequence of that very same line. In order to reconnect these two divided parts of the Mediterranean, and of the surrounding landscapes, we would like to build a narrative related to the road that connected the two capitals of the Eastern and Western Roman Empire. We will poetically move, as in an imitation game, from Constantinople to Rome along the so-called via militaris. This route was actually a network of roads that connected the two capitals of the empire through the Balkans. The via militaris gradually replaced by importance the older via Egnatia, which connected Constantinople to Durrës, then across the Adriatic Sea to Brindisi, and finally to Rome along the Via Appia. After the tetrarchy, when the Empire moved its gravity centre towards the Balkan area, the via militaris became the main infrastructure of an itinerant principality. It is no coincidence that Constantine the Great was born in a city along this path, Naissus (Nis).
The road from Aquileia to Viminacium: strategy of the connection between Italy and the Balkan provinces In various circumstances, scholars have outlined the strategic importance of roads and the mastery of the Roman engineers in the process of the projection and construction of routes across the entire Empire 1 . To assure the political, economic and strategic unity of the Roman Empire, the Romans succeeded in creating a vast network of paved roads, covering all areas, that was so dense that during Trajan's time more than 55,000 Roman miles of roads were built across the Abstract -Our contribution is focused on the analysis and interpretation of several pieces of historical data regarding the Emona-Singidunum road along the Drava River, from three important ancient documents: Itinerarium Burdigalense sive Hierosolymitanum, Tabula Peutingeriana and Itinerarium Antonini. The key question of this study is: can the Bordeaux itinerary bring more light to the question of the sources of these ancient documents? If so, which method should be used to prove this? Therefore, we decided to compare data from the Peutinger map and the Antonine itinerary with those contained in the Bordeaux itinerary, by discussing a sector of the Aquileia-Viminacium road, more precisely, the route between Emona and Siscia. The objective was to see if there are resemblances or differences between these documents. After this comparative analysis of the three ancient sources, we reached some general conclusions and observations concerning these documents. The most important observation is that the structure of the Bordeaux itinerary along the Emona-Singidunum route reveals a careful planning of the main Roman road infrastructure during the 4 th century A.D. (corresponding to the reorganisation of the official state transport, cursus publicus) and before this time. Why did the pilgrim choose the Emona-Poetovio-Sirmium-Singidunum road (along the Drava River), which measures 398 miles, instead of the Emona-Siscia-Sirmium-Singidunum road, along the Sava River, which is shorter (approximately 340 miles)? We suppose the answer is based on the full understanding of the infrastructure along the Drava River. This road could provide better travelling conditions for those officials who travelled using cursus publicus. However, we think the answer is based on another important issue. Using the official transportation system, the pilgrim chose the 'official' road.
Academia Letters, 2021
This paper explores how the narrative of the Itinerarium Burdigalense , written in the lifetime of Constantine's empire, transports onto topography an eschatological history andhow this literary composition helped to establish the sanctity of a place, a departure from the classical genre of Greco-Romano travel writings and arguably the first genre of late antique "pilgrim" texts.
Dictynna, 2019
This paper explores the Aeneid’s geopoetics and travel thematics in relation to Vergil’s inclusion of the Eridanus-Po river in his description of Elysium (Aen. 6.558-9). The paper proposes that the reference to the Eridanus evokes an aboveground journey from Cumae to the Po region that symbolically corresponds to Aeneas’ Underworld journey in Aeneid 6. To support this supposition, the paper surveys references to travel in Aeneid 6; reviews previous interpretations of 6.558-9 as well as mythical and literary traditions relating to the Eridanus; and demonstrates the fundamental role of rivers for Greco-Roman conceptualizations of geographical space. The final section of the paper speculates about how a journey from Cumae to the Po resonates with travel that Vergil himself undertook during his lifetime, and considers ways in which linking Elysium to the Po region recalls Vergil’s earlier poetic representations of his patria and imbues his Underworld with a Padane tint.
This contribution presents in detail a (late sixth/) seventh century AD archaeological context and associated finds from Sagalassos, SW Turkey. The entire ceramological assemblage is considered and placed alongside other artefactual and ecofactual categories. Apart from illustrating how such assemblages can instruct functional interpretation of archaeological spaces, the paper also attempts at explaining the final days of the 'ancient' local ceramological assemblage.
This article analyses rituals on the Via Tiburtina, and their impact on the bid for power in late antique Rome. The focus will be on the interaction of human activity with physical and mental structures, taking into consideration ritual, ideology, symbols, boundaries and monuments along the road. To put the study of the late antique Via Tiburtina in a wider perspective, a comparison with one road in Ravenna in the same period will also be undertaken. Ravenna was chosen because it represents the other seat of imperial might in Italy at the time. Moreover, it allows interesting comparisons between developments around Rome and in the north of Italy.
Tsur, 2018
Reviewed by Ephraim Nissan This first volume in a series is the result of a conference held in Jerusalem in June 2015, at the Hebrew University where the editor is Professor of Jewish Thought. The editor (a specialist in Mediterranean cities in Late Antiquity and the effects of encounters across denominational divides) is the author of the introduction, which follows two pages of maps. "The diversity of travel accounts in the Eastern Mediterranean is the subject of the present volume. The contributions are divided thematically into five sections, each of them devoted to a different aspect of the intersection between physical travel and subjective experience" (3). The volume "focuses on the literary dimension and the creative imagination of the individual authors" (12). "We hope to make a contribution to current debates by offering studies if individual authors from various Greek, Jewish, and Christian backgrounds, who positioned themselves on the way" (16). The blurb states: "How did new possibilities of travelling in the Roman Empire change the way pagan, Jewish and Christian authors fashioned themselves? The present volume investigates this phenomenon of cultural, religious and philosophical negotiation by interdisciplinary studies of Second Sophists, early Christians and rabbis". The papers are clustered in the following sections: "Real and Imagined Geography", "Reconstructing Encounters in Distant Places", "Between the Bodily and the Holy", "Jesus's Travels from Different Perspectives", "Destination Rome". The section "Real and Imagined Geography" includes five papers. Ewen Bowie's "The View from Aphrodisias and Hadrianoutherae" is concerned with two cities in Asia Minor, relatively isolated in the backwater, and epigraphic and archaeological sources are examined.
The Moving City: Processions, Passages and Promenades in Ancient Rome deals with movement in public space in the city of Rome. This topic represents a novel approach to the Roman cityscape that pays attention to movement as interaction between people and monuments. Movements give form to the cityscape by tying together areas and monuments through, for example, commercial activities, power displays and individual strolls. The city, on the other hand, shapes movements, by way of its topographical settings and built environment.
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