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2011
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published.
2011
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published.
For most people, economic growth is synonymous to better life and its effects include improved infrastructures, urban development, high employment rate and globalization. There are many aspects to consider before one can say that there is real economic growth taking place in a country. These aspects include Gross Domestic Product (GDP), employment rate and inflation. This paper discusses United Kingdom’s economic growth based on these economic growth indicators as well as an example of its fiscal policy. Below is the summary of all data collected from UK’s economic growth indicators. The figures expressed uses in percentage and trillion dollars.
National Institute Economic Review
UK labour productivity is significantly lower than that of many other similarly advanced economies and has been so for decades, with negative implications for UK living standards. To make matters worse, during the last ten years labour productivity growth has stalled in most industrialised countries, and particularly in the UK. This has led to a renewed policy focus on productivity growth, as evidenced by successive government productivity plans and efforts to re-invigorate industrial strategy. This paper reviews the evidence on UK productivity performance, identifying what we know about the causes of its weakness, what we do not know and what this means for policy. We review the evidence through the lens of developments in economic measurement, drawing in particular on the work of National Institute colleagues past and present, and with a view to the key measurement challenges ahead that, unlocked, will help us understand better what is holding back UK productivity.
2018
Since the start of the Great Recession, labour productivity growth has been weak in the United Kingdom, weaker than in many other OECD countries. The productivity shortfall, defined as the gap between actual productivity and the level implied by its pre-crisis trend growth rate, was nearly 20% for output per hour at the end of 2016. This study assesses the UK productivity puzzle and discusses its possible determinants at the sectoral level. Most of the UK productivity underperformance is structural rather than cyclical. Half of the productivity shortfall is explained by non-financial services (with information and communication being the largest contributor), a fourth by financial services, and another fourth by manufacturing, other production and construction. All but non-financial services and the construction sectors contribute disproportionately to the productivity shortfall compared to their shares in overall output and hours worked of the UK economy. In non-financial services,...
LSE Research Online Documents on Economics, 2020
This paper lays out the basic theory behind productivity measurement, whether at the level of the country, region, industry or firm. The theory is illustrated using recent data from UK official publications. Productivity growth over time and differences in productivity levels between countries or regions at a point in time are both covered. Labour productivity and multi-factor productivity (MFP) are discussed. In the case of MFP special attention is paid to the measurement of capital inputs. Wherever possible, an accompanying spreadsheet supplies data from recent publications by the United Kingdom’s Office for National Statistics so that readers can reproduce official estimates or even employ alternative assumptions to produce their own estimates. Limitations in the underlying theory are highlighted as are empirical difficulties in implementing the theory.
National Institute Economic Review - Natl Inst Econ Rev, 1992
The Journal of Economic History, 2001
2007
Despite its varying pattern of cyclical ups and downs, the British economy has, on average,grown at 2.5% per year for six decades, with minimal breaks in trend. So history warns us that government policies to change that trend may have little effect. There is a bit more movement in the trend growth of national income per head, which has been
OECD Economics Department Working Papers, 2020
This document, as well as any data and map included herein, are without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any territory, to the delimitation of international frontiers and boundaries and to the name of any territory, city or area. 2 ECO/WKP(2020)38 Unclassified OECD Working Papers should not be reported as representing the official views of the OECD or of its member countries. The opinions expressed and arguments employed are those of the author(s). Working Papers describe preliminary results or research in progress by the author(s) and are published to stimulate discussion on a broad range of issues on which the OECD works. Comments on Working Papers are welcomed, and may be sent to the Economics Department, OECD,
1994
How much of the growth of output can be accounted for by the growth of inputs and how much is due to the growth of productivity? This book, first published in 1994, is a detailed attempt to answer this question for Britain. Estimates of outputs and inputs for over 130 industries were constructed, following the methodology pioneered by Professor Dale Jorgenson. These estimates can be employed to build up a picture of the performance of UK manufacturing as a whole. Contrary to the impression left by some previous authors, growth of productivity is found to play a relatively minor role - growth of inputs, when properly measured, accounts for most of the growth of output. The wealth of data which this book presents can also be used to shed light on a number of recent controversial views attached to the 'New Growth Theory'. According to this theory, externalities and increasing returns, often held to be associated with fixed investment, are the engine of economic growth. However,...
papers.ssrn.com
to whom we are grateful. We would like to thank Rob Elder and an anonymous external referee for comments and suggestions for revision. We would also like to thank Ian Bond, Jenni Greenslade, Neal Hatch, Simon Price and participants in the Asia-Pacific Productivity Conference in Brisbane, July 2004, for helpful comments.
The UK Economy in the Long Expansion and its Aftermath
The productivity performance of the UK economy in the period 1990-2007 was excellent. Based entirely on pre-crisis data, and using a two-sector growth model, I project the future growth rate of GDP per hour in the market sector to be 2.61% p.a. But the financial crisis and the Great Recession which began in Spring 2008 have dealt this optimistic picture a devastating blow. Both GDP and GDP per hour have fallen and are still below the level reached at the peak of the boom. So I discuss a wide range of hypotheses which seek to explain the productivity collapse, including the impact of austerity. Most of the conclusions here are negative: the explanation in question doesn't work. I next turn to the long run impact of financial crises, particularly banking crises, on productivity, capital, TFP and employment. Based on a cross-country panel analysis of 61 countries over 1950-2010, I argue that banking crises generally have a long run impact on the level of productivity but not necessarily on its long run growth rate. I therefore predict that the UK will eventually return to the growth rate predicted prior to the crisis. This prediction is conditional on the UK continuing to follow good policies in other respects, in particular not allowing the government debt-GDP ratio to rise excessively. Nonetheless the permanent reduction in the level of GDP per worker resulting from the crisis could be substantial, about 5½%. The cross-country evidence also suggests that there are permanent effects on employment, implying a possibly even larger hit to the level of GDP per capita of about 9%.
The stagnation in full time employment and increasing numbers of part time and selfemployed workers pose a significant challenge to the UK economy. However, the key to the paradox might actually lie in a long term evaluation of all these factors of production. Whilst economists, politicians and the media puzzle over the UK paradox of rising employment and falling output, this paper attempts to evaluate the relationship between output hours, productivity hours and employment together with the continuing rise of the UK population, an increasing dependency on services and a tendency to increasing unemployment.
Economic & Labour Market Review, 2008
2000
Bank of England for helpful comments. The proceedings of this conference will be published by the Bank of England in July 1998. The usual disclaimers apply.
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