The Brazilian Crisis and the New Authoritarianism

Brazzil Magazine, 2018

IDEOLOGY / THE RISE OF JAIR BOLSONARO : UNDERSTANDING BRAZIL'S CULTURE WARS In the lead up to Brazil's election second round, polls show far-right candidate former Brazilian congressman and army captain Jair Bolsonaro from the PSL (Liberal Social Party) with 57 percent of votes, whereas his opponent Fernando Haddad from the Worker's Party has 43 percent of votes. But what are the main political factors leading Brazilians to support a former military man, a thuggish apologist of authoritarianism, torture, Human Rights violations and who disregards women's and LGBT rights?

A pro-Bolsonaro demonstration. (Photo by Gabriela Felin). Jair Bolsonaro's victory in the race for the presidency of the Republic of Brazil surprised many analysts around the world. While still a candidate, the former army captain ran a campaign praising the Brazilian military dictatorship and the use of torture, criticizing social movements and minority groups, and voicing disdain for the country's civil and social rights achievements in the past 30 years. As his running mate, Bolsonaro chose General Hamilton Mourão, who a few days before the election made public statements that he would be in favor a "self-coup," if necessary. Much debate continues about the rise and swell of a "conservative wave" in various countries around the world, a trend that may have contributed to the victory of far-right leaders in Brazil. However, I will not use this phenomenon to analyze Bolsonaro's victory. Rather, in this brief article, I'll focus on some issues that deserve more attention and that are intimately connected to the contemporary political and economic environment of Brazil. I also want to stress that this election, like any other, is a vast, multidimensional phenomenon, and thus, it has many interpretations. For sources, I rely primarily on the results of Brazilian public opinion polls carried out by Pulso Brasil of Ipsos Public Affairs.

Far-right candidate Jair Bolsonaro won Sunday’s presidential election in Brazil, defeating Fernando Haddad of the leftist Workers’ Party in a runoff with just over 55 percent of the vote, as compared to just less than 45 percent for Haddad. Bolsonaro takes office Jan. 1. What factors led to his victory? What are the top items on the agenda for his presidency, and can voters expect the kind of sweeping change the candidate has promised? To what extent will Bolsonaro’s history of controversial statements, including about torture, women, blacks and gays, translate to policy? What will Bolsonaro’s presidency mean for investment in Brazil, as well as the country’s economy and businesses?

The Bullet, 2019

The rise of the far right is a worldwide phenomenon, rooted in the nefarious effects of neoliberal globalization which have pushed the world into mass unemployment and enormous inequalities. I consider it to be a late political effect of the global financial crisis that hit the world at the beginning of the twenty-first century. It is not an easy task to explain the phenomenon of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil and to understand the groups that support him, both within and outside government. It’s difficult, for anyone, to draw a truly complete and sober analysis of what we have experienced. This essay is not based on in-depth research but on collective reflections and debates. I intend to pose some key questions and try to identify some clues to answer them.

From a document corpus taken from leading journals recording the discourses and actions of President Jair Bolsonaro and his team in managing the economy, politics, and the COVID-19 pandemic, it is more than clear that this administration refuses to play by the rules of the democratic game. There is a close relationship between the authoritarian administration and the naturalization of a logic that prioritizes market interests above all, producing an ultra-neoliberalism that not only operates within the economic and financial sphere but also produces antidemocratic modes of social subjectivity. Segundo um corpus de documentos proveniente dos jornais principais que registravam os discursos e ações do Presidente Jair Bolsonaro e seu equipe com respeito a sua gerência da economia, da polítca e da pandemia do COVID-19, fica muito claro que este governo se recusa a cumprir as regras do jogo democrático. Ademais, existe uma relação íntima entre o governo autoritário e a uniformização de uma lógica que prioriza os interesses do mercado sobre todo, produzindo um ultra-neoliberalismo que não somente opera dentro da esféra econômica e financeira mas também gera modos antidemocráticos de subjetividade social.

Quaderni Costituzionali – The Italian Journal of Constitutional Law, 2023

Forthcoming in Quaderni Costituzionali

States, Power, & Societies: ASA Political Sociology Section Newsletter, 2018

Verfassungsblog, 2018

2017

Though Bolsonaro has little relevant experience, a poor record as a legislator, and few economic, fiscal, or foreign-policy proposals, his ability to capitalise on widespread hostility to Brazilian politics and politicians has made him the second most popular candidate for the 2018 presidential election, writes Mark S. Langevin (George Washington University).

Ameryka Łacińska. Kwartalnik analityczno-informacyjny, 2019

The aim of this paper is to clarify certain aspects regarding the meteoric political rise of Brazilian President Jair Messias Bolsonaro, from the lowest echelons of the Brazilian Parliament, to prominence as the main catalyst of the diffuse anti-left wing sentiment spread throughout Brazilian society after four consecutive center-left wing governments led by Worker’s Party (PT). In our article, we try to understand whether his presidency is a result of a major crisis of the “Brazilianness”

The Populist Radical Right and Health, 2021

Polidemos 10: Latin America at a Glance, Recent Political and Electoral Trends, 2024

This paper examines the profound political shifts in Brazil between 2018 and 2023, focusing on the contrasting trajectories of Jair Bolsonaro and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. In 2018, Bolsonaro rose to power in the wake of a weakened left, while Lula faced imprisonment. Fast forward to 2023, Lula has reclaimed the presidency, whereas Bolsonaro confronts a series of legal inquiries. The paper unfolds in two parts: the first segment traces Lula’s journey, examining the achievements of his initial terms marked by emancipatory populist politics, economic growth, and poverty reduction, and the subsequent contentious charges of corruption resulting in his imprisonment and eventual release. The latter part scrutinizes Bolsonaro’s rise amid crises and his subsequent decline, outlining his reactionary populism characterised by transgressive communication and assaults on democratic institutions, which culminated in the scenes of chaos in Brasília on 8 January 2023, following his electoral defeat. The paper concludes by claiming that these seismic shifts signal a complex political landscape. It underscores both the strengths and constraints of Lula’s conciliatory populism, as well as the enduring influence of Bolsonarism, emphasising the need for addressing historical authoritarian tendencies in Brazil’s political culture.

Insights | Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right, 2018

Soft Authoritarianisms, 2022

By undermining democratic institutions, Brazilian elites have opened a Pandora’s box and the country has subsequently had to deal with the beasts that emerged therefrom. In line with the international trends, politics within the Brazilian right-wing spectrum has turned into anti-politics under the leadership of an authoritarian figure. This has brought lies, conspiracy theories and emotions to the fore. In 2018, Bolsonaro embodied the anti-PT candidacy in a political atmosphere adverse to the Workers Party. In 2022, in contrast, after almost four years of striking incompetence, disastrous mishandling of the COVID pandemic leading to over 680,000 deaths, brutish statements including high doses of misogyny, and widespread impoverishment of the middle and lower classes, it seemed that his authoritarian affront to democracy would be more easily countered. Polls have apparently been unable to grasp the ulterior moves of Bolsonarism, i.e. to capture the undeclared, silent voting tendencies of those who have learned in the past few years that ‘anything is better than having PT back to power’. After almost four years in power and upon having re-structured the field of the right in Brazil, Bolsonarism has, to some extent, become politically normalized and socially more ingrained. The Brazilian right has finally found a mass leader, one very different from PSDB’s elitist intellectuals and technocrats.