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The paper discusses the Critical Legal Studies (CLS) movement, examining its critique of traditional legal formalism and objectivism. It analyzes the historical context of leftist movements in legal thought and how CLS seeks to challenge established legal doctrines by questioning the supposed neutrality and objectivity of law. The work emphasizes the role of power dynamics and social contexts in shaping legal interpretations and calls for a reconceptualization of legal theory that embraces a more dynamic and equitable approach to justice.
The American Journal of Jurisprudence, 1985
Calif. L. Rev. Circuit, 2010
Social Science Research Network, 2006
The Cambridge Law Journal, 2007
Abstract: In this paper I provide a defence of legal constitutionalism, and in particular its often-attendant practice of judicial review, against what I understand to be its two strongest critiques. First, Richard Bellamy’s radical, republican-grounded criticism in Political Constitutionalism, in which he argues that judicial review “strips the people of their most basic ‘constitutional’ right: the power to address afresh any issue and to decide together, as equals, how to handle it,” adding that “[b]y denying people this power and by empowering, instead, a group of judges who are not accountable to the people, legal constitutions set up regimes of domination in which almost everyone is subject to the arbitrary rule of others.” Second, I hope to defend against the more moderate, liberal criticisms made by Jeremy Waldron in Law and Disagreement and The Core of the Case Against Judicial Review, among other places. I make my defence not on the “uneasy” grounds of Richard Fallon, fearing that strong judicial review represents a compromise in democratic values, nor on the largely stipulative grounds of Samuel Freeman and various other contractarians. My defence, rather, is made on what I have called in my subtitle political constitutionalist grounds, by which I mean simply that it is made first, while accepting the relevance to the argument of freedom understood as non-domination; second, while accepting the Jeffersonian stress on the pre-eminence of present legislative bodies (that is, whilst concerned with the prima facie democratic illegitimacy of the ‘dead hand of the past’); and third, while accepting that collective decision-making procedures should be valenced toward bare majoritarianism (50%+1) and that deviations from this procedure require substantial justification. [Undergraduate Paper]
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