1-22 1031 Kraje Regiony _A.Bloch_Bolsonaro

Ameryka Łacińska, 4, 2019

The aim of this paper is to clarify certain aspects regarding the meteoric political rise of Brazilian President Jair Messias Bolsonaro, from the lowest echelons of the Brazilian Par-liament, to prominence as the main catalyst of the diffuse anti-left wing sentiment spread throughout Brazilian society after four consecutive center-left wing governments led by Worker’s Party (PT). In our article, we try to understand whether his presidency is a result of a major crisis of the “Brazilianness”.

Ameryka Łacińska. Kwartalnik analityczno-informacyjny, 2019

The aim of this paper is to clarify certain aspects regarding the meteoric political rise of Brazilian President Jair Messias Bolsonaro, from the lowest echelons of the Brazilian Parliament, to prominence as the main catalyst of the diffuse anti-left wing sentiment spread throughout Brazilian society after four consecutive center-left wing governments led by Worker’s Party (PT). In our article, we try to understand whether his presidency is a result of a major crisis of the “Brazilianness”

Hot Spots/Fieldsights, 2020

Recently Brazil became an example of the destructive forces of populist extreme-right-wing governments. Indigenous and traditional populations, the environment, the few welfare state services (such as public health care and the higher education system) became obstacles for the reactionary agenda proposed by Jair Bolsonaro’s government. With the motto that “the institutions are working properly” other democratic powers such as the legislative branch and the judiciary granted a state of normalcy for what was clearly exceptional and anti-democratic, given the frequency with which Jair Bolsonaro runs over the Brazilian Constitution. In this context, many of the once hidden conservative groups that exist in the country felt entitled to make their stance through discourse and action. For some intellectuals, this showed the fallacy of the once praised cordiality of Brazilian people. For others, particularly those who have been historically subject to state’s structural violence, this was all too familiar. With this in mind, we asked a group of social scientists to elaborate on this political figure that is so hard to grasp. From his post-truth strategies to the forms of resisting his actions, the authors gathered here carefully analyze the consequences of Bolsonaro’s government as well as what can be already seen as something that may survive his own term as a political trope, named bolsonarismo.

The Bullet, 2019

The rise of the far right is a worldwide phenomenon, rooted in the nefarious effects of neoliberal globalization which have pushed the world into mass unemployment and enormous inequalities. I consider it to be a late political effect of the global financial crisis that hit the world at the beginning of the twenty-first century. It is not an easy task to explain the phenomenon of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil and to understand the groups that support him, both within and outside government. It’s difficult, for anyone, to draw a truly complete and sober analysis of what we have experienced. This essay is not based on in-depth research but on collective reflections and debates. I intend to pose some key questions and try to identify some clues to answer them.

Brazzil Magazine, 2018

IDEOLOGY / THE RISE OF JAIR BOLSONARO : UNDERSTANDING BRAZIL'S CULTURE WARS In the lead up to Brazil's election second round, polls show far-right candidate former Brazilian congressman and army captain Jair Bolsonaro from the PSL (Liberal Social Party) with 57 percent of votes, whereas his opponent Fernando Haddad from the Worker's Party has 43 percent of votes. But what are the main political factors leading Brazilians to support a former military man, a thuggish apologist of authoritarianism, torture, Human Rights violations and who disregards women's and LGBT rights?

A pro-Bolsonaro demonstration. (Photo by Gabriela Felin). Jair Bolsonaro's victory in the race for the presidency of the Republic of Brazil surprised many analysts around the world. While still a candidate, the former army captain ran a campaign praising the Brazilian military dictatorship and the use of torture, criticizing social movements and minority groups, and voicing disdain for the country's civil and social rights achievements in the past 30 years. As his running mate, Bolsonaro chose General Hamilton Mourão, who a few days before the election made public statements that he would be in favor a "self-coup," if necessary. Much debate continues about the rise and swell of a "conservative wave" in various countries around the world, a trend that may have contributed to the victory of far-right leaders in Brazil. However, I will not use this phenomenon to analyze Bolsonaro's victory. Rather, in this brief article, I'll focus on some issues that deserve more attention and that are intimately connected to the contemporary political and economic environment of Brazil. I also want to stress that this election, like any other, is a vast, multidimensional phenomenon, and thus, it has many interpretations. For sources, I rely primarily on the results of Brazilian public opinion polls carried out by Pulso Brasil of Ipsos Public Affairs.

From a document corpus taken from leading journals recording the discourses and actions of President Jair Bolsonaro and his team in managing the economy, politics, and the COVID-19 pandemic, it is more than clear that this administration refuses to play by the rules of the democratic game. There is a close relationship between the authoritarian administration and the naturalization of a logic that prioritizes market interests above all, producing an ultra-neoliberalism that not only operates within the economic and financial sphere but also produces antidemocratic modes of social subjectivity. Segundo um corpus de documentos proveniente dos jornais principais que registravam os discursos e ações do Presidente Jair Bolsonaro e seu equipe com respeito a sua gerência da economia, da polítca e da pandemia do COVID-19, fica muito claro que este governo se recusa a cumprir as regras do jogo democrático. Ademais, existe uma relação íntima entre o governo autoritário e a uniformização de uma lógica que prioriza os interesses do mercado sobre todo, produzindo um ultra-neoliberalismo que não somente opera dentro da esféra econômica e financeira mas também gera modos antidemocráticos de subjetividade social.

Revista de Estudios Sociales [forthcoming], 2019

One hundred days have passed since Bolsonaro took office, and there are two salient aspects of his presidency: first, it is clear that he was not tailored for the position he holds; second, the lack of preparation of his entourage and the absence of parliamentary support has led the country to a permanent state of crisis. In this article, I make an initial assessment of a presidency that was the direct outcome of a pivotal election that fractured the Brazilian political landscape and catapulted an unknown Congressman to the highest political office in the republic. The first part of the article covers the 2018 elections as the critical juncture of the Nova República [New Republic]. The second part delves into the main events Jair Bolsonaro's first three months in office.

Brazilian Research and Studies Center - BRaS Blog, 2021

Scientific Journal of Applied Social and Clinical Science, 2022

In recent years, we have seen or increased authoritarian escalation in the country, promoted both by representatives of the State and by organized groups of civil society. Seeking to contribute to the debate on the current Brazilian political context, in September 2020, I presented a lecture on “Negationism and Anti-Politics” in the Mora in Philosophy in Pandemic Extension Project, linked to the Philosophy Course of the Federal University of Alagoas (MORAIS, 2020a). I do not present a text, I try to systematize in a didactic way some of the ideas debated in my speech non-event, focusing, in particular, on aspects related to the Bolsonaro style person (anti) political project. Therefore, in the first section, I analyze the possibility of considering the Brazilian President a populist politician; in the second, I endorse the social representation of Bolsonaro style; Finally, on the third day, I discuss in an emphatic way a set of affirmations by the Brazilian State Chef in relation to the Military Dictatorship (1964 to 1985) and the use of violence in politics and public security