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Russia: Death and Resurrection of the KGB

2004, Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization

Abstract

We represent in ourselves organized terror-this must be said very clearly.-FELIKS DZERZHINSKY, FOUNDER OF THE CHEKA he roots of all of the most efficient political police systems in modern history can be traced to December 20, 1917. On that day, the new Bolshevik regime in Russia created a political police system so ruthless, skillful, and comprehensive that it became the standard for totalitarian movements around the world. The system was so effective that even the Soviets' fellow totalitarian archenemies carefully studied it, emulated it, and refined it to help them seize power, consolidate their control once in power, and ultimately remain in power. By whatever name-Cheka, NKVD, KGB, or the dozen other acronyms used over the years-the Soviet and Russian secret police are the most infamous and enduring of any political enforcement system ever devised. They became the matrix for communist regimes from Poland to Mongolia, Ethiopia to Cuba; for pro-Soviet revolutionary governments in Africa and Nicaragua; for non-communist, oneparty states in Libya, Syria, and Iraq; and for the anti-Communist government of the Republic of China, as well as the antithetical People's Republic of China. All of this would be history, except that despite remarkable economic and political reforms, post-Soviet Russia has preserved and rehabilitated-not repudiated-the entire legacy of the Bolshevik secret police. There was little serious attempt and no strategy to expose excesses and crimes or to prevent such a system from emerging again. The KGB survived as a continuum with the Soviet past. By the 2000 presidential election, being an unrepentant career KGB officer had become a political asset instead of a liability. At present, the former KGB is fully 333 T

Key takeaways

  • As Bakatin recalls, the Soviet leader was reluctant to empower him to break apart the KGB and relented only under bullying from Yeltsin: "Gorbachev had the decree in front of him naming me as KGB chairman.
  • The Stepashin commission's mandate empowered it to develop its own proposals to restructure the KGB independently of Bakatin and to draft a legislative base and regulatory backdrop for a KGB under the Russian Federation, and not Soviet, control.
  • With no political party of his own, Yeltsin relied on the reconstituted components of the KGB to keep him and the small group of oligarchs around him in power, but he performed a bureaucratic juggling act, lest they become too powerful on their own.
  • Former dissidents, led by Sergei Grigoryants, held a series of international conferences between 1993 and 1995 called "KGB: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow" to bring KGB crimes to light, demonstrate the continued existence and impunity of the Chekists, and attempt to gauge their future role in Russian society.
  • The new composition of the State Duma, meanwhile, promised few parliamentary challenges to the Chekists: Every single member of the security oversight committee had been an officer of the USSR KGB.