Russian federalism

2013

Europe-asia Studies, 2007

This article provides an analysis of the institutional mechanisms that are required to ensure the effective functioning of federalism in Russian politics. A common contention in the literature on federalism is that, in addition to fundamental requirements such as the constitutionally defined division of powers between the federation and its constituent units, and the supremacy of the federal constitution, some ancillary structures are necessary. Of particular importance are institutions of intergovernmental co-operation, transparent means for the mobility of officials between the centre and the regions, and integrated systems of national parties. The functioning of these institutions must also reflect the culture and ethic of federalism. This article examines how well these three factors have been implemented in Russia in the course of Putin's reforms. It is shown that a preliminary network of such institutions has been created. However, their operational ethic, and in particular the lack of commitment to federal values, it is argued, could act as an impediment to the successful evolution of the federal state in Russia. THE COMPREHENSIVE FEDERAL REFORMS LAUNCHED BY RUSSIA'S PRESIDENT Vladimir Putin upon assuming office in May 2000 marked a significant turn in the evolution of the country's centre -regional relations. The newly emerged federal structure represented a clear departure from the chaos and 'sovereignisation' of the Yel'tsin era. It introduced greater clarity in the centre -regional division of powers (Smirnyagin 2001), re-consolidated the authority of the federal centre, 1 and attempted to establish the supremacy of federal law across the land (Hahn 2003, pp. 114 -153).

2010

This series is published on behalf of BASEES (the British Association for Slavonic and East European Studies). The series comprises original, high-quality, research-level work by both new and established scholars on all aspects of Russian, Soviet, post-Soviet and East European Studies in humanities and social science subjects.

Demokratizatsiya, 2001

An indicator of whether President Vladimir Putin's policies will strengthen or weaken Russia's fragile semidemocracy is his reform of federal-regional relations. On assuming the Russian presidency in May 2000, Putin placed at the top of his agenda a policy of strengthening the Russian state's "executive vertical" and reintegrating the Russia Federation's economic and legal space. Many Russian and Western analysts interpret Putin's federal reforms as a course that, intentionally or not, will re-establish a tsarist-style unitary state, even Soviet-style centralization. Nikolai Petrov has argued that although Putin's goal is not the dismantling of either Russian semidemocracy or federalism, his policies are leading to just such an outcome. (1) Leonid Smirnyagin has argued the very opposite: that although Putin's federal reforms have been intentionally "antifederalist," they have functioned to strengthen Russian federalism. (2) In reality,...

This series is published on behalf of BASEES (the British Association for Slavonic and East European Studies). The series comprises original, high-quality, research-level work by both new and established scholars on all aspects of Russian, Soviet, post-Soviet and East European Studies in humanities and social science subjects.

Communist and Post-communist Studies, 2003

This paper provides a detailed analysis of Putin's radical overhaul of the Russian federal system and its impact on federalism and democratisation. Whilst not all of Putin's reforms have been implemented fully, the reorganisation of the Federation Council, his usurpation of unilateral powers to dismiss regional assemblies and chief executives, combined with his creation of seven federal districts, make a mockery of federalism. There are real worries that Putin's quest for a 'dictatorship of law' will be bought at the cost of civil liberties and the consolidation of democracy. At present it would appear that Putin is willing to sacrifice democracy in order to win unity. However, his attack on the sovereignty claims of the ethnic republics are surely just as likely to stir up nationist sentiments as to quell them.

Comparative Politics, 2005

The evolution of Kremlin-governor relations is driven by the center's dilemma of how to exert control over the regions without undermining regional stability. In view of the 2018 presidential elections, the Kremlin solution to this dilemma is not a long-term strategy, but a shortsighted technocratic approach together with a stronger official anti-elite and anti-corruption line.

Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, 2007

The Cambridge Globalist, 2016

Federalism in Russia is far from a dead topic, and the subjects of separatism and secession are as relevant now as they were in the early 1990s. “I had not thought of the idea of the Russian Federation [falling apart] since the beginning of the 1990s, but, maybe five years ago, some Russian political scientists [from think tanks] started telling me that they thought that [the country] would explode into four or five parts within twenty years … Openly, they supported Putin, but [in private] they showed themselves to be much more sceptical of the system than even Westerners. This was happening after conferences, at dinner parties, etc.,” said Cécile Vaissié, professor of Russian and Soviet studies at l’Université Rennes 2, during our 2016 interview.