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The syntax of content

2018

Overview. I argue that complementizers are not semantically transparent, but serve an important role in mediating predicational relations in semantic composition. I follow a theoretical thread built by Kratzer (2006, 2016); Hacquard (2006); Moulton (2009, 2015), but provide the first overt empirical linguistic evidence in support for it thanks to data from Bulgarian. Data. Bulgarian has two morphologically distinct declarative complementizers, deto and če, that both serve to introduce finite embedded clauses. They are almost never in complementary distribution: če but not deto can introduce embedded clauses under attitude predicates, as in (1). Če but not deto can introduce noun modifying clauses, (3). Deto but not če is the complementizer used in relative clauses, (4). The only case where both če and deto are allowed is in the complements of emotive factive predicates, such as regret, be upset, be happy, be angry, etc., as shown in (2). (1) Ivan Ivan misli/ thinks/ kaza said [če/*d...