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This research explores the phenomenon of male rape and how the police recognise it, together with uncovering male rape myths in a local police force. Whilst male rape research is expanding, it was found that the police have a lack of knowledge, understanding, awareness, and specialised training of male rape. Therefore, police officers' attitudes, ideas, views, perspectives, and beliefs on specific topics pertinent to male rape are discussed. This project also seeks to comprehend gender expectations and stereotypes of men, so as to comprehend the prevalence of male rape, the negligence of male rape, and the under-reporting/recording of male rape. Moreover, because male rape is a part of sexual violence, feminist theory is used as a foundation for this project, since feminism seeks gender equality. Ultimately, this research emphasises the need for the police to adequately manage male rape victims and take male rape seriously, without any negative attitudes, ideas, views, perspectives, and beliefs.
This article critically examines how the police respond to, and deal with, male rape victims. It also explores male rape victims' experiences of the police. This is an issue that has been hugely overlooked in the growing literature on the treatment of sexual offences in the criminal justice system; that is, the treatment of adult male sexual assault and male rape complainants by police officers. To fill this gap in the literature, this article will explore findings from empirical studies of police attitudes alongside an increasing amount of research that has examined the experiences of male rape victims. This article also explores social attitudes to male rape victims and the different ways wherein such attitudes influence the police responses to male rape victims. Moreover, this article recognises three barriers to the recognition of male rape: police statistics; the under-reporting of male rape; and the masculine police subculture and policing homosexuality. Finally, the article concludes by considering potential strategies for improving the treatment of male rape victims in England and Wales.
The current paper focuses on police responses to male rape in England, UK. The data come from police officers and voluntary agency practitioners who completed in-depth interviews and qualitative questionnaires (N = 70). Questions about handling male rape cases were asked. The present paper focuses specifically on issues relating to the ways in which the police handle male rape cases. Thus, the way the police investigate male rape is critically explored. The police data were analysed using thematic analysis. Key issues emerged in the findings: male rape victims often get a poor response from the police; the police culture shapes officers' practices and decisions regarding male rape cases; and some police officers often see male rape complainants as making false allegations. If male rape victims are seen as supposedly falsely reporting, the implication of this is that the 'dark' figure of crime may develop because 'false' reports are 'no crimed', giving a distorted view of the extent to which male rape occurs. I argue that the police's treatment of male rape victims is largely influenced and shaped by preconceived ideas about male rape and gender bias. This paper attempts to tackle negative police treatment, and it raises awareness of male rape. It is significant to examine how the police manage male rape cases, to make changes to encourage reporting so that better services can be provided to rape victims.
This book critically explores the intersections between male rape, masculinities, and sexualities. It examines the ways in which male rape is policed, responded to, and addressed by state and voluntary agencies in Britain. The book uncovers how notions of gender, sexualities and masculinities shape these agencies’ understanding of male rape and their views of men as victims of rape. Javaid pays particular attention to the police and deconstructs police subculture to consider whether it influences and shapes the ways in which police officers provide services for male rape victims. Grounded in qualitative interviews and data derived from the state and voluntary sector, this book will be invaluable reading for sociologists, criminologists, and social scientists who are keen to learn more about gender, policing, sexual violence and male sexual victimisation.
International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy, 2020
Aliraza Javaid's Male Rape, Masculinities, and Sexualities (2018) is a sociological exploration of the phenomena of male sexual assault. Consisting of eight chapters, the book aims to dispel popular misconceptions of the topic which the author connects to gendered relations and power dynamics. The author bravely inserts his personal narrative as a gay male sexual assault survivor, supplementing his analysis of the literature with his own qualitative interviews with 70 public officials (e.g., counsellors, therapists, volunteer agency caseworkers and police officers) and open-ended questionnaires sent out to an undisclosed number of respondents. In so doing, he provides a soulful analysis of the topic of male sexual victimisation. His findings reveal what many criminologists might suspect, namely that an under-reporting of male sexual assault occurs due to widely held misconceptions that men cannot be raped, male victims are emasculated and the victims themselves are to blame. Thus, male sexual assault survivors must overcome inferences about their character based not only upon gendered notions of victimisation, but also the general stigma faced by all sexual assault survivors (Ralston 2012).
72,000 men in England and Wales are victims of sexual violence each year. While sexual violence against men is slowly becoming recognised as a sociological and criminological issue because victims are steadily coming forward due to changes in policy and practice, gradually improving the reporting rate that causes sociologists and criminologists to take notice of a necessity to address the issue, there still however remains a noticeable gap regarding the context, contours, and consequences of policing male rape within England. This paper makes some attempt to fill in this lacuna, using data including police officers who completed indepth interviews and qualitative questionnaires (53 officers in total). This article focuses on several themes that emerged from the data, such as police insensitivity/secondary victimisation; police treatment of male rape; and police training, inter alia. It explores police officers' level of comprehension relating to the topic of male rape and, in turn, evaluates police training (or lack thereof) provided to help with understanding male rape. It considers the implications of poor police practice with regards to male rape. The results show that there are some police discourses that suggest that only women can be victims of sexual violence, not men, shaping how some officers think about and respond to male rape victims in practice.
2021
This study involves an analysis about rape myth acceptance by police as an underlying cause for unreported sexual assault cases throughout the world. Although the extent of women empowerment, gendered expectations, gender equality gap, rate of VAW and responding attitudes of survivors varies due to diverse traditional and cultural values. The aim of this research paper is to examine rape myth acceptance to the better understanding of police responses to sexual assault reports. The study also discusses various methods and techniques used by police officials of different countries while dealing and investigating sexual assault victims. The research is conducted through qualitative research methodology. Relevant data is collected by the analysis of available research work, reading materials and statistics of various countries relating to the problem. Inference as to this underlying cause has been drawn on the basis of information collected from observations and thorough study of the available literature and reports on the matter under discussion. The research would be highly significant in finding out the suitable solutions to deal with the problem with possible recommendations for policy-makers and the concerned departments for capacity building and skills development of relevant police officials and their training to investigate such issues in an appropriate way overcoming their traditional victim-blaming and patriarchal attitudes.
The notion that women lie about rape is a prevalent belief with pervasive influence. This thesis comprises a series of studies aimed at elucidating understanding of the ways in which this belief affects police officers' responses to women who report rape. The thesis begins by examining the historical context within which rape came to be defined as a crime, and considers the impact of dominant assumptions regarding the 'nature' of women on the formation of rape laws. Factors affecting criminal justice system responses to women who report rape are identified, considering in particular the ways in which these have been influenced by views of women's inherent deceitfulness. Having established the ideological and socio-political framework, attention then shifts to a consideration of rape in contemporary New Zealand. The views of rape complainants regarding their experiences of reporting rape and sexual assault to the police are presented, highlighting the centrality of &#...
This paper critically engages with the different layers and dynamics of discourse pertaining to sexual violence, hegemonic masculinity, and male rape in the UK. This is achieved through the use of empirical data surrounding police officers, male rape therapists, counsellors, and voluntary agency caseworkers' attitudes toward, and responses to male rape victims (N = 70). The data were collected using interviews and questionnaires. The primary data not only give suggestions of how male rape is perceived and responded to by societies, state and voluntary agencies, but also give suggestions of how male rape victims may embody their 'broken' masculinities, considering that male sexual victimisation is embedded within destructive and painful taboo and stigma. Perhaps the most severely under-reported and under-recorded, male rape is one of several forms of sexual violence that goes unrecognised and unnoticed in academia and in western society. This paper, therefore, critically explores male rape discourse. It critically examines male rape from a masculinities and sexualities perspective, explaining how male rape is closely connected to hegemonic masculinity. The paper argues that taboos and stigmas of homosexuality and male rape challenge and contradict hegemonic masculinity. It also argues that prevailing and powerful discourses relating to hegemonic masculinity make male rape invisible, denying its existence and worth, whilst maintaining and supporting heterosexuality, patriarchy and harmful gender expectations of men. Male rape, then, is actively 'forgotten'.
In this paper, the bodies of male rape victims as the‘other’are problematized. The social and cultural constructions of male rape within a policing context are examined since the police play a major role in impeding the progress of male rape cases. The author draws on police data, generated from interviews and qualitative questionnaires with the police, to illustrate the problems with policing male rape in England, UK. While the author provides empirical data, sociological, cultural, and post-structural theoretical frameworks largely inform it. It is argued that the bodies of male rape victims are positioned in inferior positions, whereby their bodies are metaphorically and symbolically marked as ‘abnormal’, ‘deviant’, and the ‘other’. Through social and power relations, their bodies are tainted, which reinforces gender and social norms.
Male rape is surfacing slowly amongst society and is a hot topic worthy of debate. Male rape doesn't seem to get the same recognition as female victims of rape and should, as it is equally serious. In recent research, it has been argued that the reason for male victims of rape to not report to the police is due to fears of homophobia and stigmatisation. However, this research aimed to discover whether this was the case, or whether it was due to a social taboo such as masculinity. The participants involved in the research were two police officers and one Superintendent from Greater Manchester Police (GMP). The two officers were both openly homosexual and work within the gay village in Manchester. The Superintendent has almost thirty-years of experience with the police and has worked amongst the LGBT community and others. A semistructured interview was used to gain rich and valuable data and allowed each participant to discuss all areas surrounding the topic of male rape. The findings show that male rape seems to be unreported due to a social taboo regarding masculinity with a small influence from perceived stereotypes of homophobia within the police service. Chapter 1: Introduction This dissertation aims to analyse the un-reporting of male rape incidences, current issues surrounding male rape victims and whether un-reporting is down to a societal taboo or the police. Essentially, this dissertation will unravel explanations as to why some male rape victims do not report their crime, and why the police, and some societal members decide to ignore male rape as an issue. King (1990) illustrates that male rape is clearly underreported and under recognised, and future research should be drawn to discover why this is. Therefore, the evidence gathered about male rape can give male rape victims
Female rape attracts a lot of attention in the social sciences, but male rape is greatly overlooked by feminism, which searches to highlight the gendered nature of rape. As a result, there is a lack of numerical evidence on male rape, although it is necessary to classify the theoretical development of male rape as a social issue as it looms across the social research discourse. Therefore, it is important to examine this growth because the current direction of the research on male rape has worrying ramifications for how male rape is theorised. Male rape in the 21 st century is problematic because males are still frightened to report for a wide range of reasons. Therefore, explanations of underreporting are examined, how male rape is considered in criminology, the police, and how male rape victims are construed within the law, prison, media, and support organisations. Ultimately, this dissertation stresses the need to account adequately for both female and male rape victims alike.
2009
The aim of this thesis is to examine the under-researched subject of male rape from a social constructionist perspective across a variety of contexts. First, the three studies which were conducted are contextualised by providing a critical review of the available literature on male rape; from the embryonic stages of male rape research within penal institutions through to its evolution from clinical to community-based studies. Second, the findings of the study on the specialist police response, (particularly that of the Sexual Offences Investigative Technique Officers) to male and female rape victims is explored using a thematic analysis. Few male rape cases were reported to the police but those that were suggested that more training is required about the complexities of male rape in relation to the psychological sequelae; and its impact on the survivors' masculinity. These factors may influence the male survivor's behaviour on reporting, and affect the police response received. It was also noted that male and female rape myths were pervasive in the police responses and influenced survivors' decision to report. Third, the incidence of client-perpetrated rape of male sex workers is investigated by employing an adapted form of grounded theory. It was found that in contrast with female sex work, sexual violence within the commercial male sex industry is reported to be rare. Fourth, whether the print media provided a gender-biased representation of rape victims as identified by the journalistic tone and the influence of the gender of the journalist and/or rape victim were investigated. It was found that contrary to the historical myth-laden and victim-blaming portrayal of female rape victims in the press (circa thirty years ago which would parallel the current time frame regarding the awareness of male rape), a sympathetic tone is evidenced in the male rape cases reported.
Drawing on heteronormativity and hegemonic masculinity, this paper seeks to unravel the issue of the underreporting of male rape to the police and to the third sector. Critically examining the issue of male sexual victimisation will provide a fuller understanding of it within the police and third sector context. Underpinned by gender theories and concepts and the framework of heteronormativity, I argue that male victims of rape are reticent to engage with the police and voluntary agency practitioners because of hostile, sexist and homophobic reactions, attitudes, and appraisal, particularly from other men in these agencies within England to police masculinities and sexualities. I draw on primary data of police officers and voluntary agency practitioners (n = 70) to illustrate the ways wherein gender and sexualities norms and beliefs affect and shape their understanding and view of men as victims of rape. The data suggests that, when male rape victims report their rape, they are susceptible to a 'fag discourse', whereby the police and voluntary agency practitioners are likely to perpetuate language to suggest that the victims are not 'real' men, intensifying their reluctance to report and to engage with the criminal justice system. Thus, the police and voluntary agency practitioners', particularly male workers, masculinities are strengthened through emasculating male rape victims.
From a human rights perspective, the present work aims to provide a critical analysis of the approaches used by the police and of the ways in which officers respond to male rape victims in England. Examining police attitudes towards, and responses to, male rape victims can help widen our understanding of policing male rape and the voids that need filling. I draw on primary data, which was collected through the use of semi-structured interviews and qualitative questionnaires, to make sense of the issues involved with policing male rape. The data consist of police officers and voluntary agency practitioners (N = 70). The findings suggest that the police do not see themselves as a support provider, so that justifies their lack of support for male rape victims; their rights are being ignored or unmet. By not providing support to male rape victims, some police officers may not take the issue of male rape seriously, which may embolden them to under-record male rape allegations while discouraging male rape victims from reporting and engaging with the police. Finally, the limitations of the Sexual Offences Act 2003 mean that some officers may not enforce the law appropriately, partly because they misunderstand the law. The findings have serious implications for the ways in which the police serve male rape victims, such as bringing about secondary victimisation and providing a distorted view of male rape through police statistics, which give a false impression of male rape across police forces in England. I suggest ways in which to improve policy and practice that can help fulfil the rights of male rape victims.
This paper provides a critical review of the literature surrounding male rape, aimed at exploring how male rape myths shape society's responses and attitudes to male victims of rape and integrates the literature from a theory driven perspective. In doing so, this theoretical paper reveals information relating to the barriers to recognition of male rape. These barriers are male rape myths that prevent male rape victims from coming forward and seeking the support that they merit. There has been a lack of research on male rape myths, although some research has documented such myths to be present in practice. These myths could be harmful because they may influence societies' opinions of male rape victims, so this could affect the treatment and responses toward such victims. To understand and explain such myths so some attempt can be made at eradicating them, this paper will explore common male rape myths that seem to be prevalent in Western society. This paper will examine male rape myths in the areas of media, incarcerated settings, and the wider community, focusing on England and Wales, UK. This is important to do to recognise which myths are harmful and are facilitating the under-reporting of male rape. This paper will help raise awareness of male rape myths and not only attempt to tackle them, but also encourage male rape victims to come forward to report and seek the help that they merit. It will also address the gaps in the literature and areas ripe for research, so further empirical research can be conducted on male rape, highlighting ideas for future research and providing guidance in areas most needed in research on male rape.
This theoretical and conceptual article critically examines the issue of male rape in England and Wales, United Kingdom. Bringing different studies together from disparate disciplines reveal that men's experiences of rape and sexual assault are similar to women's sexual assaults and rapes, although there are some gendered differences as to how men deal with these crimes, particularly in regard to men's willingness to report to officials and masculine ways wherein some men frame their experiences. To understand men's experiences of rape and sexual assault, the theoretical frameworks of symbolic interactionism and hegemonic masculinity are used. I argue that men draw on "masculine" behaviors to cope with their victimization, and hegemonic masculinity constructs and shapes men's experiences of rape. The analysis in this article is vital to understand how men respond and cope with rape, and it encourages further theoretical and empirical research on this neglected issue in England and Wales, United Kingdom. This article contributes theoretically to discourses on unacknowledged and unreported rape, and also to a broader literature on non-reported crime.
The aim of this present work is to explore police officers' experiences and views in respect of male rape. I critically examine the role of the police, and their experiences and perceptions of handling male rape cases. This study presents detailed, in-depth, and rich data from the police in England. The findings are generated from the police, male rape counsellors, male rape therapists and voluntary agency workers. The participants were interviewed and filled out qualitative questionnaires, which were kept anonymous. I ensured that those who were interviewed did not also fill out a questionnaire, as each method addresses issues in a different form. To inform the development of the semi-structured interview schedule and the qualitative questionnaires, I drew on Abdullah-Khan (2008) in order to shape the types of questions that I asked. Overall, this study gained a sample size of 70 participants. In this paper, I solely focus on state agencies' responses and attitudes toward male rape. From the findings, five distinct themes emerged: (1) level of communications between officers and victims; (2) perpetuation of male rape myths and stereotypes by judges and juries; (3) lack of evidence in male rape cases; (4) attrition in male rape cases; and (5) issues of consent in male rape cases. There are serious concerns in terms of how the criminal justice system deals with male rape victims, resulting not only in poor treatment of the victims, but also increasing the attrition rate and decreasing the conviction rate in male rape cases. I attempt to tackle poor police practice herein.
This article seeks to explore hegemonic masculinity and its influence on male victims of rape, particularly when seeking support from voluntary services, such as Victim Support, that are designed to deal with both male and female victims of rape and other victims of crime. The article argues that voluntary services do not meet male rape victims' needs when these victims do build up the courage to seek support. The linking thread among the themes presented in this article is the theoretical framework of hegemonic masculinity, which will be the theoretical foundation used to elucidate the conception of male rape and the responses to it. Throughout the critical exploration of these themes, the article questions service provisions that handle male victims of rape. It also argues that voluntary services are inappropriately trained to deal with male rape victims because of stereotypes and misconceptions relating to male rape, which inhibit a complete understanding of this phenomenon. The illustrations and arguments considered in this article are important for practical and theoretical considerations of community safety and peace, and to help eradicate harmful gender expectations of men and women that can influence the type of service male rape victims and male victims of sexual assault receive.
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