Two Notes on Legal Inscriptions

in: Chronique d'Égypte 88 (2013), pp. 105-115.

Comparing the accounts of the deme Ikarion (IG I 3 253) with those of Rhamnous (IG I 3 247 bis and 253; IRhamnous 181 and 182) and Plotheia (IG I 3 258), this article argues that the adjective hosios applied to a fund in Ikarion indicates that this money was dêmosios and to be used in a way pleasing to the gods. Th e longstanding view that hosios when applied to money means 'free for secular use' or 'secular' (e.g. LSJ s.v. ὅσιος) is shown to be unfounded, inviting a reassessment of the meanings of hosios. Th e use of public money for funding cults as attested in these deme accounts sheds new light on public fi nance in classical Athens.

2013

Modern scholarship has devoted much attention to pignus and hypotheca as forms of real security in classical Roman law.1 The same could be said about the research on the practical application of these forms, or vice versa, the apparent practical origins of the later dogmatic forms: there has been an extensive study on real securities in Greek and Hellenistic traditions. Much attention has been also devoted to the documents constituting, revoking, and accepting a real security in the Demotic and Graeco-Roman legal traditions in Egypt. Thanks above all to the classical studies of Andreas Bertalan Schwartz, we understand much better the system of ‘real’ – in the civil law vocabulary – securities for debt in the law of papyri.2 However, apart from Steinwenter’s remarks in his Recht der koptischen Urkunden, the Byzantine practice and doc- trine remains of much less scientific interest. Yet, my purpose in this paper is not to provide an all-embracing general overview of Byzantine securities, even thought they merit particular attention in themselves, but to discuss their particularity. The deeds of legal practice bring about a few cases of guarantees of obligations in the form of transfer of ownership. The papyri studied belong to dossier of the Melitian Monks in Labla (P. Dub. 31, 32, 33) and to the Archive of Parmouthis and Kako.

Chronique d’Égypte , 2014

2019

2013

The question posed at the core of this book, namely the purpose of payments made "to the polis" by manumitted slaves in Thessaly, has occupied my mind for a long time. Our knowledge of the process by which slaves in the Greek world became free and of their lives after manumission is still full of 'black holes' , especially in respect of Thessaly. One of these riddles is the numerous records of such payments, which adds to the notion (which I argued in my book Not Wholly Free: The Concept of Manumission and the Status of Manumitted Slaves in the Ancient Greek World, Brill 2005) that there were many obstacles to full freedom, and that as a non-citizen, the freed slave's status had to be clearly and publicly advertised-for his or her sake as well as in the interest of the polis.

Foreword 12 Preface 14 MONEY AND TrANSACTIONS, Dimitra Tsangari 19 Catalogue of Objects (nos 1 -35) 27 MONEY AND TrADE, Manolis I. Stefanakis 65 Catalogue of Objects (nos 36 -98) 73 MONEY AND ArT, Panagiotis Tselekas 137 Catalogue of Objects (nos 99 -119) 145 MONEY AND HISTOrY, Sophia Kremydi 171 Catalogue of Objects (nos 120 -130) 177 MONEY AND THE CIrCuLATION OF IDEAS, Nicholas Chr. Stampolidis 191 Catalogue of Objects (nos 131 -144) 199 MONEY AND PrOPAGANDA, Katerini Liampi 219 Catalogue of Objects (nos 145 -165) 231 MONEY AND SOCIETY, Eleni G. Papaefthymiou 259 Catalogue of Objects (nos 166 -175) 265 Paying the Gods, Athanasia Psalti -Anthoula Tsaroucha 277 Catalogue of Objects (nos 176 -218) 287 A small tavern on Delos, Panagiotis I. Hadjidakis 323 Catalogue of Objects (nos 219 -250) 329 MONEY AND BANKS, Selene E. Psoma 351 Catalogue of Objects (nos 251 -253) 361 Abbreviations -Bibliography 369 Map 389 11

edition of a Greek tax receipt on an ostracon found in the valley of the Kings. the banker Philotas may be acting as sitologos one year later and the text is interesting for the relation between the bank and the granary-bank immediately after the invasion of Antiochos.

R. A. FABER (ed.), Celebrity, Fame, and Infamy in the Hellenistic World, Toronto, 2020, p. 90-111., 2020

Hellenistic times are particularly rich in wars which were for each belligerent the main purpose to strike coins. Produced in very large quantities, these coins may appear as the best support to propagate images conceived by each issuing power for the sake of his own politics. Conversely, to eradicate the images of a hatred and defeated enemy should have appealed to any winner. This paper focuses on the different manners Hellenistic rulers may have damaged the coin images of their enemies: 1. Individual alterations of the surface (marks of execration) ; 2. Planned alterations of the surface (erasing and countermarks); 3. Recalled and overstruck; 4. Recalled and remelted. Despite some specific cases duly investigated (Demetrios and Laodike on Timarchos at Seleukeia on the Tigris [after 162 BCE]; Phraates IV on Tiridates ‘Philoromaios’ [in 25-24 BCE] and Vonones over Phraataces and Musa [in 10-11 CE]), this paper generally concludes on the absence of sure case of systematic monetary damnatio memoriae in Hellenistic times. On the other hand, it is more and more recognized that kings were not afraid to prolong coinages of their enemies as long as these coins were accepted by the beneficiaries (often mercenaries)