Class Casualties: Disappearing Youth in the Age of George W. Bush

Perspectives on Politics

Interchange, 1988

Education is considered key to economic growth and to the reduction of social inequality and disadvantage. Contemporary education policy reflects the ideals of a neoliberal agenda (i.e., reform and economic competitiveness). Given that the United States both recognizes and abides by the rules of the free market, public schools find themselves in a neoliberal straitjacket. This “one-size-fits-all” garment has “pinched” public schools. This study draws on a broadly post-structural perspective of space and geographical context, and utilizes insights from Foucault to flesh out issues regarding “taken-for-granted” education reform in the U.S. Specifically, this work looks at No Child Left Behind through a geographic lens, emphasizing the importance of local context and the differential effects of policy.

Educational Researcher, 1991

Dobel asserts that "the central moral tenet of [his] book is that individuals possess responsibility for their actions." In fact, what most determines his conception of compromise is the centrality he gives in democratic liberalism to respect for the dignity, integrity, and opinions of the other. Compromise comes about as people learn from one another, see the implications of their positions for others, and recognize the importance to others of contrary points of view and moral visions. This he contrasts with two other bases for compromise. For the Lenins and other zealots, compromise is merely a matter of expediency. And for political conservatives, going back to Burke, compromise emerges from respect for tradition, mistrust of the unknown, and fear of violence. Dobel admires aspects of the conservatives' rationale, but ultimately sees it as too accommodating of suffering and injustice.

This article examines how the political discourse surrounding No Child Left Behind (NCLB) rhetorically constructs teachers and teaching. Using the prepared speeches and press releases from the Bush Administration (January 2001-December 2008) we illustrate that teachers were framed as both allies to the federal government (as supporters of NCLB and public education) and therefore, soldiers of democracy, and as obstacles to student learning and therefore, enemies of the state. Further, the discourse employed by the Bush Administration identified educating America‟s children as the problem; teachers, in particular, were to blame. It posed a remedy that resonated with the public: NCLB. By identifying public education as the problem, and blaming teachers for that problem, it was easier to focus on changing (or eliminating) individual teachers, students, and schools rather than larger social, institutional, and structural barriers. Such a phenomenon is further reflective of the influence of neoliberalism on public education in the United States, so that individual teachers and schools are expendable if they fail to meet the expectations of the market

Social Science Research Network, 2011

The contemporary Welfare States in Europe, America and worldwide face dramatic financial crisis, some of these being threatened by ‗default'. The demands for more and more generous redistributive social policies for poor social categories far exceed the incomes that taxpayers can offer to budget of states. Nevertheless, after two decades after the collapse of the communist state, the ‗social' or ‗welfare state' enjoys great popularity in our country. This article aims to present some general undesirable consequences of redistributive social policies, less evident in the current public and political debate, which seems dominated by the idea that (increasing) redistribution of revenues is always desirable.

Political Insight, 2011

Chicago Kent Law Review, 2000

Are "civil society" institutions in decline, and if so, how great a problem is this for liberal democratic societies? These are among the most hotly debated issues in political science today. "Civil society" designates those associations, groups, and communities intermediate between the family and the state. Many, though by no means all, social and political scientists argue that social disconnection is increasing, and that this has unfortunate consequences for political life and general well-being. Robert D. Putnam argues that Americans socialize less, fewer know their neighbors, they go to meetings less frequently and belong to fewer clubs and associations. 4 Eric Uslaner argues that social disconnection leads to a generalized social distrust and a declining sense of optimism, and people who are generally distrustful of others are less likely to engage in political or civic activities.' I am not going to belabor the problem. These worries may be exaggerated, maybe not. It is striking that many different philosophers and social scientists have converged on a similar set of worries at approximately the same time, both in America and abroad. Moreover, no one is arguing that Americans or other citizens of advanced democracies participate too much, are too communityoriented, or are neglectful of their narrow private interests. Even those who defend the predominant role of private freedom and selfinterest in modem commercial republics have long argued that it is worth doing what we can to elevate and broaden self-interest by promoting participation in groups and associations. 6 There are different ways of looking at the role of civil society in a 4.

Journal of Philosophy of Education, 2004