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2021
Many strategists assumed that the Cold War, in large measure shaped by the nuclear bomb, would be resolved in a string of mushroom clouds. As this chapter will illustrate, that the Cold War ended without such a clash was due in large measure to the efforts of American president Ronald Reagan and Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev in spurring the process to reduce nuclear arsenals. These two charismatic leaders, who differed in so many ways, were an oddly matched pair who sought to lessen the prospects of a nuclear war. Reagan, the older of the two, was a convinced, outspoken anti-Communist, who came to the White House with little understanding of the Soviet Union and largely uniformed about the intricacies of nuclear weaponry. Without intellectual or analytical pretensions, his fear that these destructive weapons might be used would lead him to urge the development and deployment of a questionable missile defense system and seek a halt to building nuclear weaponry. Gorbachev, a dedicated communist bent on domestic reform, provided the imaginative leadership that redirected Moscow's relations with the West even while it led to the collapse of the Soviet Union. Overriding the opposition in the Politburo, Professor Robert English has recorded, he sincerely believed "that he could end the Cold War solely by cutting weapons and halting the arms race." Both leaders put great stock in personal contact and their ability to
2014
Although it is undebatable that there were economic factors resulting in the demise of the Soviet Union and its system of Socialist building up in the world, 1 this paper focuses on the personal impact of political leaders, i.e. Ronald Reagan, on the change of political structures during the late Cold War period. The formidable argument is that political leaders can catalyze emergent change-this is in the case of Ronald Reagan and also in the case of Mikhail Gorbachev, Reagan's counterpart. Even economists like David M. Kotz must admit that structural defaults were not the reason alone for the Soviet collapse. 2 Structuralists-whether economists, sociologists or historians-have omitted the impact of personal leadership on policy-making. 3 My methodological approach which is part of a greater research project covers three points: first, political
COLD WAR. GEOPOLITICS, 2014
Background to the Study The Cold War was essentially a period of time that was characterized by political, military and economic tensions between the major powers of the Eastern Bloc and the Western Bloc following the end of World War II. The Eastern powers were the Soviet Union and other powers in the Warsaw Pact. The Western Bloc, on the other hand, consisted of the United States of America (US) and its NATO allies (Fousek, 2000). It is not clearly known when the Cold War officially started; and different dates have been given. However, the most commonly cited date for the commencement of the Cold War is 1947. The War ended in 1991. This happened following the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The Cold War was simply a period of intense political and military tensions between the world’s major powers; but did not involve any direct military confrontations. Instead, the confrontations often took place in the form of proxy wars fought in other countries and places. The Vietnam War, the Korean War, and the first Afghanistan War are notable proxy wars between these two sides. The Eastern Bloc and the Western Bloc supported different sides in these wars; and this was the closest that they came to confronting each other (Gaddis, 1989). The Cold War, therefore, can be said to have been a supremacy and hegemonic battle to determine the greatest power in the world after the end of World War II and the devastating defeat of Japan and East Germany (Gaddis, 1997). Although the US and the Soviet Union had been allies against Nazi Germany during World War II, they were split by the Cold War. This split would prove to be quite disastrous for both sides both economically and politically. The major differences were that the Soviet Union pursued a Marxist-Leninist political ideology while the US and its allies pursued a capitalist ideology (Fousek, 2000). Although there was no full-scale armed combat between the two superpowers, they nonetheless armed themselves heavily in anticipation for a possible real war. With both sides owning nuclear and other lethal weapons, there was an expectation that a worldwide nuclear war might erupt (Grenville, 2005; Nalebuff, 1988). However, it was largely because of their possession of nuclear weapons that each side was able to deter the other. Both the US and the Soviet Union were not willing to initiate a direct nuclear confrontation for fear that the nuclear weapons held by the other would be used. The state of tension between two continued until 1991 when the Soviet Union disintegrated (Freedman, 2004).
Articles: [“Churchill, Winston (1874-1965), 31-34; (with Christopher John Bright), “Committee on the Present Danger,” 39-40; “Cuban Missile Crisis,” 48-52; “Dulles, John Foster (1888-1959),” 56-59; “Eisenhower, Dwight David (1890-1969),” 61-64; “Kennan, George Frost (1904-2005),” 99-101; “Kissinger, Henry Alfred (1923-),” 107-108; “Nixon, Richard Milhous (1913-1994),” 151-153; “Reagan, Ronald Wilson (1911-2004),” 184-187; “United Nations,” 222-228.] The impact of the Cold War is still being felt around the world today. This insightful single-volume reference captures the events and personalities of the era, while also inspiring critical thinking about this still-controversial period. Cold War: The Essential Reference Guide is intended to introduce students to the tensions between the Soviet Union and the United States that dominated international affairs in the second half of the 20th century. A comprehensive overview essay, plus separate essays on the causes and consequences of the conflict, will provide readers with the necessary context to understand the many facets of this complex era. The guide's expert contributors cover all of the influential people and pivotal events of the period, encompassing the United States, the Soviet Union, Europe, Southeast Asia, China, the Middle East, Latin America, and Africa from political, military, and cultural perspectives. Reference entries offer valuable insight into the leaders and conflicts that defined the Cold War, while other essays promote critical thinking about controversial and significant Cold War topics, including whether Ronald Reagan was responsible for ending the Cold War, the impact of Sputnik on the Cold War, and the significance of the Prague Spring. Features •Several analytical essays by prominent historians, plus 85 additional A–Z reference entries about conflicts, incidents, leaders, and issues •35 examples of relevant primary source documents, including speeches, treaties, policy statements, and letters, such as the Marshall Plan and Winston Churchill's "Iron Curtain" speech •A detailed chronology of important events that occurred before, during, and after the Cold War •Numerous maps and images of key leaders and events •A comprehensive bibliography of print resources Highlights •Provides readers with a look inside the Cold War, pinpointing the main causes and consequences of this long-running conflict •Analyzes controversial Cold War topics that still generate widespread debate today to inspire critical thinking among readers •Supplements entries with a broad overview to help readers grasp the far-reaching implications of this worldwide conflict •Discusses key leaders and events in a scholarly, yet accessible manner
Review of International Studies, 1999
This article contends that the interaction between domestic circumstances in the USSR and the radical change in the international environment occasioned by the advent of the first Reagan administration played a substantial part in the early emergence of ‘New Political Thinking’ in the Soviet Union. That process had begun shortly after Brezhnev’s death. The Reagan factor loomed large in an internal Soviet debate over the direction of Soviet foreign policy. Four types of causal association are identified. While the Reagan administration was not the sole cause of the Soviet crisis that brought new thinking to the fore, it certainly contributed to a climate that strengthened the position of advocates of this perspective within the Soviet ruling elite.
This academic paper explores the 'mythologies' of Cold War history and 'demystifies' them by deconstructing the political personas of Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev. It likewise journeys through their speeches and political programs, depicting the steps that led to the collapse of the USSR.
International Affairs, 1991
The sudden and surprising end of the Cold War in the late 1980s closed an epoch in modern history. As a superpower confrontation, ideological contest, arms race, and competition for geopolitical influence, the Cold War dominated international relations for forty-five years . It shaped the foreign policies of the United States and the Soviet Union and deeply affected their societies and their political, economic, and military institutions. By justifying the projection of US power and influence all over the world, the Cold War facilitated the assertion of global leadership by the United States. By providing Soviet leaders with an external enemy to justify their repressive internal regime and external empire, it helped perpetuate the grip of the Communist Party on power. In both countries, the Cold War compelled ongoing mobilization for war, locking the Soviet Union even tighter into the bifurcated command economy that led to its downfall, while pushing the United States toward a stronger central state and hybrid economic management that produced progress by reducing social inequalities and creating a "social bargain" within reformed capitalism. In addition to its impact on the superpowers, the Cold War caused and sustained the division of Europe, and within Europe, Germany. It also facilitated the reconstruction and reintegration of Germany, Italy, and Japan into the international system following their defeat in World War II. The impact of the Cold War was especially great in the third world, where it overlapped and interacted with longer-term trends like decolonization and sweeping social and economic changes. The Cold War led to the division of Vietnam and Korea and to costly wars in both nations, and it exacerbated conflicts throughout the third world. During crises, the Cold War's nuclear arsenals threatened the end of human civilization. In short, the Cold War was at the center of world politics in the second half of the twentieth century. Debates about the end of the Cold War are inextricably bound up with assumptions about the nature of the Cold War. As Richard Ned Lebow (2000, p. 208) has noted, "the debate about the end of the Cold War is at its core a controversy about the validity of the principles that shaped Western understanding of the Soviet Union and its foreign policy." Defenders of US policies blame the Cold War on an expansionist and ideologically motivated Soviet Union and argue that victory in the Cold War vindicates US policies during the conflict. In contrast, more critical scholars argue that US policies and actions played an important role in starting and sustaining the Cold War and that less confrontational US policies could have led to the end of the Cold War sooner and at a lower cost.
Saber and Scroll, 2017
The Cold War (1947-1991) included an air of antagonism and mutual distrust between the United States (US) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR) (1922-1991). Spies betrayed their countries, and millions died in proxy wars. The struggle for dominance prompted massive propaganda campaigns, psychological warfare, nuclear, and technological competitions. This study first examines how the 1980’s nuclear tension between the US and the USSR reached its zenith. It then identifies how the USSR reacted to President Ronald Reagan’s (1981-1989) strategy of preparation for a preemptive attack, and further outlines the international implications of this brinkmanship. Suspicion and mistrust between the US and the successor state of the USSR, the Russian Federation, subsequently referred to as Russia, over their strategic intentions are increasingly threatening Western stability, international order, and the balance of power. It is evident that current tensions between the US and Russia ...
Political Science Quarterly, 2010
In a surprising manner, the U.S. President Donald Trump recently remarked his intention of withdrawing from Intermediate-Range Nuclear Force Treaty (INF). This has led to huge speculation in the policy circles with many observers suggesting of rising tension between Washington and Moscow along with arms race. The arms control agreement was negotiated by Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan in Washington D.C. in 1987. During the Cold-War, the two blocks
International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), 1989
President Reagan came to office in 1981 as an enthusiastic Cold Warrior determined to restore American power and pre-eminence and to show the Soviet Union that it could not embark upon expansionist policies without paying a very high price. He left office in 1989 as the co-architect of a new superpower detente. It was not called that, of course, as the idea of detente was still associated with America's period of malaise in the 1970s, when both foreign policy and domestic politics were in disarray after Watergate, Vietnam and the Iran hostage crisis. But the antipathy that had characterized Soviet-American exchanges in the early 1980s had been replaced by a relationship that was less acrimonious and much more cordial. A series of summit meetings between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev had culminated in the Washington summit of December 1987 at which the INF Treaty, removing all land-based medium-range nuclear missiles from Europe, was signed. In June 1988 President Reagan visited Moscow, and although little of substance emerged from this summit the symbolic importance of a visit to the centre of what Reagan, only a few years earlier, had called the 'evil empire' was immense. Although the superpowers found it impossible to reach an agreement on long-range arms reductions (START) before Reagan left office, it was clear that they had entered another period of relaxation in which they were increasingly willing to take steps to moderate and regulate their relationship and to cooperate on security issues. What had occurred was effectively detente by another name. What remains uncertain, of course, is whether the Reagan-Gorbachev detente is sustainable. Is it just another phase in the old cyclical pattern in which the superpowers pass from periods of Cold War to detente and back again? Or does it represent a more fundamental and long-term trend in the evolution of US-Soviet relations from confrontation to cooperation? In short, is the Cold War finally over? It may be tempting to dismiss such questions as premature and ill-conceived. There have been thaws in the Cold War before, but they have been succeeded by periods of renewed tension between the superpowers. The 'spirit of Camp David' of 1959, for example, when Khrushchev visited the United States for talks with Eisenhower, was followed by one of the most dangerous periods in the Cold War, with the superpowers confronting each other over Berlin and Cuba. Similarly, the detente of the 1970s gave way to a renewed period of tension in which the two sides abandoned cooperative ventures for a more confrontational approach. Although the rhetorical belligerence of Moscow and Washington was not matched by recklessness on either side, the superpower relationship in the first half of the 1980s was characterized by a degree of mutual paranoia and hostility that many found extremely disturbing.
2016
How Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost policies syngergized the ambitions of the Reagan Doctrine to catalyze the collapse of the former Soviet Union.
Review of International Studies, 1999
Alan Collins is to be congratulated for highlighting the role Gorbachev’s strategy of Graduated Reciprocation in Tension Reduction (GRIT) played in ending the military conflict between East and West. By offering an alternative view to the conservative opinion that America’s material strength forced the Soviets into submission, it suggests that statesmen caught in security dilemmas have real options and are not simply forced to compete for power. As a policy that fostered transparency which assisted the creation of security regimes, GRIT undoubtedly played a role in the way the military conflict ended. Yet the Cold War was not simply about the military balance. Collins’ account of this period is restricted by his bias towards state-centric and rationalist explanations of state behaviour. He underestimates the role ideology played in ending the Cold War and as such only offers half a Cold War story. The influence of the US during this period, as a cautious agent of liberal individuali...
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