The Machiavellian Revolution 1

This special issue joins the celebrations related to the five-hundredth anniversary of The Prince's completion by adding four new papers written by scholars, who, although all very established in their respective fields and countries, are, for different reasons, not as well known to the English-speaking world of Machiavelli studies as they might be.

By describing the conditions under which the Medici acquired virtually unchallenged power in what was nominally a republic, in his FLORENTINE HISTORIES Machiavelli traces the rise of a new, deceptive form of modern tyranny. Because these tyrants acquire power not by seizing it with force but by distributing benefits to private individuals, the people do not recognize or care that they have lost their liberty. Once established such a tyranny is almost impossible to overthrow except by means of a foreign invasion.

Toruńskie Studia Polsko-Włoskie / /Studi polacco-italiani di Toruń, 2023

The research object of the article is the search for answers to the following questions: to what extent were Machiavelli's ideas on political solutions and the future of Florence and Italy determined by the heritage of political and legal thought? Did he see this heritage as a form of legitimising his suggested political solutions and an unquestionable authority? In such a case, it is also reasonable to ask whether it was a constraint on his original ideas? Or maybe, since he is known for the idea that the end justifies the means, he referred to this heritage in a completely instrumental manner? To put it in another way, did he treat this heritage as a pillar or just a facade of his work? This analysis of Machiavelli's treatises led to the conclusion, that this heritage was just a beautiful façade for him, because although referring to it is an important part of his narrative about the world of politics, moreover, he proved that using it does not have to be less important and boring at all; his innovative and bold ideas, which are independent of the existing discourse about politics, are in the foreground. It is because of those ideas that his treatises are still a compulsory read for all those wishing to debate substantively about the state, law, and the mechanisms of politics.

South-East European Journal of Political Science, vol. I/2004, 2013

In this article we examine the relationship between Machiavelli’s thought and the notion of corruption, starting from the multiple meanings thereof. It appears in the first instance that the Florentine Secretary proposes a definition rather “civic” than “deontological” of corruption; in this respect he is in tune with the tradition of republican thought and more precisely he argues using a paradigm of neo-Roman civic virtue. Yet far from sticking to this type of analysis, Machiavelli also seems responsive to the games of the underlying interests of politics, and especially in his The Florentine History; and if he calls for the citizens’ vigilance, he invites his reader to understand the ongoing role of charismatic influence. These two dimensions blur the usual lines and lead to qualify his doctrine of “heterodox republicanism”

Confusion verging on chaos aptly describes Italian politics between any two points in time. That being said, the amount of outright violence, political backstabbing and social upheaval Machiavelli had to put up with - as a successful bureaucrat and diplomat first (1498-1512), and later as a disgraced citizen (1512-27) is, with few if any exceptions, virtually unmatched in the history of Italian philosophy. At any rate, it is conspicuous enough to put him in a league of his own (among political thinkers). All the more so since, in Machiavelli's own words, his claim to originality rested on a return to the things themselves and the 'real truth' they convey through experience, as opposed to the traditional proclivity towards speculation regarding 'imaginary things', most notably by portraying fanciful characters and devising political regimes that can only exist on paper. Indeed, philosophers had long been lecturing- either in flawless syllogistic fashion or in vivid rhetorical style - both rulers and subjects on how they should behave and interact. However, they had taken little notice of how they actually go about their business. Alternatively, what does unbiased, direct observation of the present and extensive, informed reading of the past teach us about the ways of the world?

Quaderni d'italianistica, 2007

This article examines Machiavelli's understanding of the relationship between actors and structures in the history of Florence through a study of five selected episodes in the Istorie Fiorentine. Together, these episodes show the gradual decline of virtue in the city, from the relatively healthy conditions of the late thirteenth century to the pathetic incompetence of the Pazzi rebellion in 1478. These episodes also show that the main cause of this decline was not internal struggles, as stated in the preface, but the decline of military virtue which in turn was caused by changes in the class structure. In expressing these conclusions in the form of dramatic narrative and not only explicit reasoning, Machiavelli brings out tension between actors and structures, showing the limits the structural forces set to individual achievement as well as the possibilities for individuals to assert themselves under particular conditions. Generally, the scope for individual achievement increase...