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American Journal of Islam and Society
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9 pages
1 file
This paper is a provocative play on the famous Muslim Brotherhood slogan al-Islām hūwa al-ḥāl (Islam is the solution). While critics of the Muslim Brothers rightly criticized them for the simplicity of their worldview in thinking that religion was a panacea for all of the problems confronting Muslim societies during the late twentieth century, an argument can be made that religion does profoundly matter in the context of the struggle for democracy in the Arab-Islamic world. In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, democratic transitions in North Africa and the Middle East will be dependent on democratically negotiating the question of religion’s role in politics. Here I provide some reflections on this topic with a focus on Tunisia’s transition to democracy.
Social Science Information, 2016
The object of the present study is to analyze how, over the transition period of 2011–14, Islam became a ‘public problem’, to understand how it came to pervade the public space. I will investigate the place of religion in the public space both before and after the 2011 elections, and to do so will start with a few ‘affairs’ and controversies surrounding Islam and its place in the new Constitution as well as in the broader framework of Tunisian society.
AFTER THE ARAB REVOLUTIONS Decentring Democratic Transition Theory Edited, 2022
This chapter explores the role of religion, namely Islam, in the aftermath of the Arab Spring and to what extent it shaped the outcome and trajectory of the Arab uprisings. By doing so, the chapter helps to better understand three key issues: (a) the role of religion during political upheavals and whether it hinders or facilitates democratic transition; (b) the impact of the Arab Spring on Islamist groups and movements during and after the Arab Spring; and (c) some theoretical conclusions that can go beyond the Arab World and improve our understanding of the relationship between religion and democratic transition.
The ‘rise’ and ‘decline’ refer to the rationale behind Islamic attractiveness and its rejection. What I intend to write is a narrative based on theoretical intuitions and empirical facts very different from Olivier Roy’s thesis on the ‘failure’ of political Islam (1992) and Asef Bayat’s post-Islamism (1996). My theoretical intuition is that political Islamhas for years at best taken advantage of a long-term series of failures. First, there is the failure ofmodernization, of secularity and of national ideology. Islamistmovements transformed this kind of ‘negative legitimacy’ into an electoral success. This is the case with En- Nahdha in Tunisia. Second, however, this electoral legitimacy was rapidly eroded. Third, post-Islamist expectations were notmet: political Islamwith its radicalism was not cut off and did not digest jihadism and terrorism. It is still worked out by a double-handed attempt: a neo-authoritarian politics and a religious anti-liberal zeal. Now, this project is failing, not because political Islam entered into a ‘post-Islamist’ area but thanks to a strong and heroic resistance of secular civil society.
Middle East Journal, 2023
T. Hjelm (ed.), Is God Back? Reconsidering the New Visibility of Religion. London: Bloomsbury.
2014
Part I. The Making of Islam as a Modern Religion: 1. Modernization and politicization of religion 2. Nation-state building and the inclusion of Muslim polities within the Westphalian order 3. Islam in the constitution 4. Nationalization of Islamic institutions and clerics 5. Islam in the legal system 6. Teaching Islam in public schools Part II. Islamism as the Central Political Force Pre- and Post-Arab Spring: 7. Political opposition through Islamic institutions 8. Ideological strength of Islamist opposition 9. From martyrs to rulers Part III. The Disjunction of Democracy and Secularism - Lessons Learned from the Arab Spring: 10. The rise of unsecular democracies: the conundrum of religious freedom in Muslim democracies 11. The way forward: the role of Islam in future democratizations Conclusion. The tragedy of modernity.
It is clear that an internal debate within Nahda has brought the party to take such a move with respect to its association with political Islam. Yet it is not hard to think that the motives underpinning Nahda’s move are well beyond the party’s self-critique, considering a number of exogenous factors have also been at play that point to mounting pressure on political Islam in the region. In this context, two factors are of particular significance: i) the deepening perception of the threat of radicalization within the global context, and ii) the declining regional and international clout of political Islam. We argue that Nahda’s recent intended shift to ‘Muslim Democrats’ essentially reflects a pragmatic response to the increasing pressure upon political Islam underpinned by these two dynamics.
2006
I. INTRODUCTION During the last few decades, the Muslim world has witnessed various traumatic events. The Iranian Revolution and the hostage situation, the suicide bombings in Palestine and in Africa, and the tragedy of 9/11 are only a few examples of episodes that led many to regard Islam and democracy as incompatible. It is alleged that Islam is a monolithic faith opposed to pluralism, that it has a poor human rights record, and that Muslims seek "heaven by creating hell on earth."1 Nevertheless, there is abundant evidence that democracy and the Islamic faith are compatible. This Article contends that the traditions, scripture, and teachings of the founder of Islam are compatible with the principles and practices of democracy and that the chief encumbrance to the development of democracy in Muslim states has not been and is not Islam itself. Part II compares the historical obstacles to the development of democracy in Europe with counterpart obstacles to democracy's d...
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