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2016, Ethical Theory and Moral Practice
At first glance, one of the most obvious places to look for moral progress is in individuals, in particular in moral development from childhood to adulthood. In fact, that moral progress is possible is a foundational assumption of moral education. Beyond the general agreement that moral progress is not only possible but even a common feature of human development things become blurry, however. For what do we mean by 'progress'? And what constitutes moral progress? Does the idea of individual moral progress presuppose a predetermined end or goal of moral education and development, or not? In this article we analyze the concept of moral progress to shed light on the psychology of moral development and vice versa; these analyses are found to be mutually supportive. We suggest that: moral progress should be conceived of as development that is evaluated positively on the basis of relatively stable moral criteria that are the fruit and the subject of an ongoing conversation; moral progress does not imply the idea of an end-state; individual moral progress is best conceived of as the development of various components of moral functioning and their robust integration in a person's identity; both children and adults can progress morally-even though we would probably not speak in terms of progress in the case of children-but adults' moral progress is both more hard-won and to a greater extent a personal project rather than a collective effort.
Metaphilosophy, 1999
This paper shows that moral progress is a substantive and plausible idea. Moral progress in belief involves deepening our grasp of existing moral concepts, while moral progress in practices involves realizing deepened moral understandings in behavior or social institutions. Moral insights could not be assimilated or widely disseminated if they involved devising and applying totally new moral concepts. Thus, it is argued, moral failures of past societies cannot be explained by appeal to ignorance of new moral ideas, but must be understood as resulting from refusals to subject social practices to critical scrutiny. Moral philosophy is not the main vehicle for disseminating morally progressive insights, though it has an important role in processes that lead to moral progress. Yet we have grounds for cautious optimism, since progressive moral insights can be disseminated and can, sometimes, have constructive social effects.
Philosophy Compass, 2021
Societies change over time. Chattel slavery and foot-binding have been abolished, democracy has become increasingly widespread, gay rights have become established in some countries, and the animal rights movement continues to gain momentum. Do these changes count as moral progress? Is there such a thing? If so, how should we understand it? These questions have been receiving increasing attention from philosophers, psychologists, biologists, and sociologists in recent decades. This survey provides a systematic account of recent developments in the understanding of moral progress. We outline the concept of moral progress and describe the different types of moral progress identified in the literature. We review the normative criteria that have been used in judging whether various developments count as morally progressive or not. We discuss the prospects of moral progress in the face of challenges that claim that moral progress is not psychologically possible for human beings, and we explore the metaethical implications of moral progress.
Developmental Psychology, 2014
This article introduces a special section on moral development. We claim that the field is now undergoing a resurgence of theoretical and methodological innovation after the eclipse of paradigmatic moral stage theory. Although research on prosocial development, moral emotions, and social domain theory has sustained interest in moral development, recent additional trends have contributed to its resurgence. This includes research in neuroscience, sociobiology, and social psychology; broad interest in moral-character education and virtues; and the appearance of recent handbooks and special journal issues. We review 3 broad possible future themes (early development, self and personality, and culture) of moral development research and introduce a set of new contributions in this special section as examples.
Journal of Adult Development, 2009
The study provides an in-depth analysis of two young adult subjects from a longitudinal study who underwent successive and significant developmental changes. Their developmental patterns, however, are only revealed by a new conception of moral stages, which is both more comprehensive and more detailed than Kohlberg’s original approach. In particular, the suggested alternative taxonomy neatly accommodates what appears as developmental anomalies in the Kohlbergian frame of reference. What is more, apart from merely matching with the observed data, the new theory also explains why the subjects developed the way they did, since it reveals the inherent cognitive conflicts at each stage and how these are resolved at the following one. Although the theory stands against the Kohlberg theory as it is, it may be understood as an extension and further development of the latter, in the sense that Kohlbergian stages are differentiated, supplemented, and theoretically substantiated within the new framework.
2004
The paper provides an in-depth analysis of two subjects from a longitudinal study who underwent successive and significant developmental changes. Their developmental patterns, however, fail to be addressed appropriately by the Kohlberg theory. By contrast, the observed course of development can be neatly accommodated by an alternative theory of moral stages. What’s more, apart from merely matching with the observed data, this theory also explains why the subjects developed the way they did, since it reveals the inherent cognitive conflicts at each stage and how these are resolved at the following one. Although the theory stands against the Kohlberg theory as such, it is capable of absorbing the latter and can thus be taken as a further development of it, in the sense that Kohlbergian stages are differentiated, supplemented and theoretically substantiated within the new framework.
The moral enhancement of humans by biological or genetic means has recently been urged as a response to the pressing concerns facing human civilization. In this paper, I argue that proponents of biological moral enhancement have misrepresented the facts of human moral psychology. As a result, the likely effectiveness of traditional methods of moral enhancement has been underestimated, relative to biological or genetic means. I review arguments in favor of biological moral enhancement and argue that the complexity of moral psychology raises serious problems for such interventions. I offer a programmatic sketch of the ways in which our improved understanding of moral psychology can help facilitate more traditional methods of moral enhancement. I conclude that the best response to the dangers faced by human civilization is the continued use of traditional methods of moral enhancement and the use of our improved understanding of moral psychology to further refine and develop these methods.
De Filosoof, 2017
In the aftermath of the financial crisis, heightened awareness of ethical issues sparked increased efforts within universities and businesses to educate people in moral matters. Sometimes, psychological tests are used to measure whether moral development occurred. If moral development is understood as a synonym of moral progress, then this might seem like a good sign: it seems as if we have a handle on making moral progress. Alas, moral development and moral progress are two very different things. And although we know a lot about moral development, what we know has little to do with moral progress. Let’s untangle both concepts.
Higher Education Quarterly, 1985
The conclusions contained in this paper are based on research carried out by myself and others at the University of Dundee over the past few years. I believe that an essential aspect of moral development involves the acquisition of some understanding of the way the world works, specifically the social world. This is the 'social knowledge' of the title. There is nothing remarkable in this idea but I shalI argue that psychology has in the past not attended to the most relevant forms of social knowledge. Secondly, I believe that moral development includes developing and appreciating that one has a moral reputation to manage, and learning how to do it. On this point psychology has said virtually nothing u p to the present. To take these claims in order, if psychologists are to study the acquisition of 'social knowledge' they must themselves have some notion of what the social world is like. It is at this point that most theories of moral development seern to falter. Our contemporary accounts of moral development continue to reflect the preoccupations of the classical social theorists, Freud, Durkheim, Marx, Simmel, Tonnies and others. And these preoccupations in turn were shaped by the very dramatic social changes with which their generation had grown up. It seemed that these changes must alter the entire fabric of man's social existence, fundamcntally and irredeemably. These were the changes brought about by large-scale industrialisation and urbanisationmass production, mass transport, mass communications, mass movcmentsa mass society. The qualitative break with the past seemed even greater with the first anthropological research revealing the gap between the literate west and the pre-literate societies elsewhere in the world. Thc shift was seen to be one from small-scale, face-to-face Moral development and social knowledge 177 communities based on kinship and personal ties to the largescale, impersond, anonymous, contractuaI and temporary relations of the city. In the words of one sociologist, Wirth, relations in the city were likely to be 'impersonal, transitory and segmental'. The view of social life conjured up, and reinforced by movements in religion and philosophy, was highly individualistic. The individual was seen to inhabit an anonymous social world, a mass society of strangers, others with whom there were no ties of kinship or friendship. But the tradition of individualism in religion and philosophy was also associated with the notion of the autonomous intellect; it was naturally and properly the solitary individual who reasoned, made decisions and acted. So how was it that individuals did not relentlessly pursue self-interest, how did they come to consider the interests of the community at all, let alone put them first on occasions, how did they come to restrain destructive impulses, why did they often show (for want of a better term) 'moral restraint' in their dealings with others, and above all, why, given the opportunities that must exist in such an anonymous society, were they not tempted to break the rules more oftenwhy were they not routinely secret sinners, secret if only to evade other's vengeance? Freud's specific answer to these questions is well known. In early childhood each child will normally acquire a superego, an internal representation of parental figures that arouses in the child powerful anxieties whenever transgressions are contemplated (which means anything proscribed by the parents and beyond them the culture). The particulars of Freud's answer are now widely regarded in psychology as incorrect, but the general view remains unchanged. Moral development is still regarded as a matter of developing or acquiring internalised and autonomous controls over conduct. To the extent that internal controls are weak or poorly established in an individual then that individual will transgress society's moral code. Other scholars of moral development have criticised Freud only with the ambition of advocating alternative forms of moral control. Thus, for example, the behaviourist and experimental tradition in psychology gave rise to theories of moral development based on various forms of conditioning, habit formation and imitative learning. In the view of Hans Eysenck, conscience is a conditioned reflex. A more radical break with Freud arose out of the developmental '' Wellman, B. 'The community question: the intimate networks of East Yorkers.'
2017
Introduction Objectives Different Approaches to the Concept of Moral Education 15.3.1 The Psycho-analytic Approach 15.3.2 Learning Theory Approach 15.3.3 Cognitive Developmental Approach Moral Judgement and Moral Action Moral Learning Different Sources 15.5.1 Moral Learning Outside the School 15.5.2 Moral Learning Inside the School 15.5.3 Moral Edbcation and Curriculum Let Us Sum Up Unit-end Exercises Suggested Readings
2016
In this chapter, we present a brief overview of what we know (and what we do not know) about the development of morality. We aim to describe all the key advances in the field of morality ranging from Piaget and Kohlberg to recent insights regarding infants' socio-moral abilities and multiple-processes models of morality. This findings are critically discussed in order to highlight current debate in the field of moral development and promising avenues for future research.
European Journal of Developmental Psychology, 2013
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Most of the information in the moral development literature depends on Theories of Piaget and Kohlberg. The theoretical contribution by Gilligan and Turiel are not widely known and not much resource is available in Turkish. For this reason introducing and discussing the theories of Gilligan and Turiel and more comprehensive perspective for moral development were attempted. The purpose of this paper is to presenting and discussing comparatively the psychological theories of moral development. Piaget had proposed two stage theory in children’s development as called “moral heteronomy stage” and “autonomous stage”. Kohlberg, on the other hand, had established his comprehensive theory of moral development based on Piaget’s cognitive developmental stages in which he suggested 3 levels and 6 stages. Although Kohlberg’s theory had been very influential, it has limitations with ignoring local, cultural, moral ideas and being disconnected between moral behavior and moral judgment. Gilligan particularly as a reaction of focus on male development rather than females contributed to the literature of moral development. For her, women tend to consider other’s care and protection and she emphasized this difference of ethic of care and ethic of justice. However only few studies in the literature have pointed out differences between women and men in terms of moral judgment. Besides Gilligan’s ideas are also been criticized for lack of different contextual and cultural support. Turiel, has quite a different perspective for moral development and he specifically focused on connections between social life and morality. As the pioneer of Social Domain Theory he mentioned the difference between “social convention” and “morality”. In this paper, theories are presented with their major concepts.
Anthropologists have long recognized that there has been a development in moral thinking as societies increase in complexity from band societies to literate civilizations. The increasing range of moral concern, the development from shame to guilt, and the increasing importance of intention in assessing responsibility are examples. There are clear resemblances between these findings and Kohlberg's stages of moral development, which have been validated cross-culturally. His stages of pre-conventional, conventional, and post-conventional thought providing important insights into the moral thinking characteristic of band societies, tribal societies, and literate civilizations. But it is also concluded that, especially at the more advanced stages of moral thinking, philosophical and religious beliefs about the world have a powerful influence on moral values that is distinct from cognitive development.
By maintaining that moral functioning depends upon four components (sensitivity, judgment, motivation, and character), the Neo-Kohlbergian account of moral functioning allows for uneven moral development within individuals. However, I argue that the four-component model does not go far enough. I offer a more accurate account of moral functioning and uneven moral development. My proposal retains the account of sensitivity, divides the judgment component into a theorizing component and a reasoning component, and eliminates the motivation and character components.
JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY & BEHAVIORAL SCIENCE, 2021
Moral development has its roots early in life. Children are found to be born with a primary sense of right and wrong. As they grow and socialize, the experiences train their understanding of expectations, the reward, and punitive outcomes to them and others via their intentions and actions. Several researchers have investigated the onset and emergence of morality during the early years. Theorists vary in their perspectives: those who examine morality range in their explanations from infants being born with no moral sense (social learning and behaviorist theories), to those who believe humans are self-oriented, to those who believe that human reasoning abilities separate us from the rest of creation (cognitive development theories), and finally, to those who believe that humans beings are born with potentialities for moral actions. The current article examines the past literature on morality and its bidirectional influence on childhood and adolescent experiences and behaviors.
Explorations in Moral Psychology, 2009
OGIRISI: a New Journal of African Studies, 2016
This paper examines the concept of development and the implication it has for moral education. While using the word "development" in its general understanding as change from one stage to the other, it went beyond this to the psychological. It alludes that in terms of moral education, development is not just any behaviour change, but a change toward greater differentiation, integration, and adaptation. In other words, that development as a movement through a sequential progression represents movement from a less adequate psychological state to a more adequate psychological state. Using the method of analysis and description, it came to the conclusion that education for moral and general cognitive development must be judged by its contribution to a more general concept of egodevelopment. Development in Perspective The developmental-philosophic strategy in contrast with some other approaches can deal with two persistent problems: the ethical question of having a standard of non-relative or universal value and factual questions of prediction. The concept of development, as elaborated by cognitive-developmental theory, implies a standard of adequacy internal to, and governing, the developmental process itself (Udokang 2010). It is obvious that the notion of development must do more than merely define what comes later in time. This is so because it is not clear that what comes later must be better. For example, if anal interests mature later in time than oral interests, this in itself is no reason for claiming that the anal interests are better than the oral interests. Cognitive-developmental theory, however, postulates a formal internal standard of adequacy which is not merely an order of events in time. In doing so it elaborates the ordinary-language meaning of the term "development". Webster's Dictionary tells us
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