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Journal of Security and Sustainability Issues
The subject of the study is economic relations between USA and China. The aim of the study is to characterize the dynamics of the world-system status of China in the XX-XXI centuries and the economic characteristics of its mode of production at present. The main idea of the article is to substantiate the untenability of considering the real state of the economic system of China as "socialism with Chinese characteristics". Currently, China is integrated into the world-system according to the Beijing Consensus model. The model of China is a specific Asian capitalism, in which a special mode of capital accumulation is formed-with a higher role of the state in the process of capital accumulation than in the fourth cycle of capitalist accumulation. Its world-system status can be characterized as a strong semi-periphery, which entered the competition for hegemony in the next system cycle of capitalist accumulation. If the motion path leads China to the goal, it will be for the first time a specific non-Western hegemony. This research result allows determining the prospects for changing relations in the world economy as a result of the completion of the fourth system cycle of capitalist accumulation.
World Review of Political Economy, 2020
This paper considers China’s economic development and place in the world economy. The People’s Republic of China is becoming the most powerful country in the world in terms of GDP. Nowadays, China is an important partner in world trade both as an exporter and importer. Thus far, the United States has been the leading force in managing and coordinating the global economic and especially financial system, but now the economically advancing socialist China is a challenge to the USA. The Chinese model, socialism with Chinese characteristics, is discussed and compared with earlier stages of socialist construction, e.g. the NEP experiment of Soviet Union. The paper ends with notes about environmental and ecological problems, stressing the importance of socialist answers to these challenges. In this regard there are encouraging aspects in the current political program of the Chinese leadership.
Revista da Sociedade Brasileira de Economia Política, 2011
The strategy to build Chinese capitalism has furthered new discussions. China is creating a certain malaise among today's widespread neoliberal, anti-planning economic theories, on the one hand, by attracting multinational capital from the central countries in a controlled and managed way, following its own strategic interests and taking advantage of the globalization of capital in the 1990s (which heralded a global restructuring of capital); and, on the other, by working to establish strategic alliances with its neighbors, especially Japan, Korea and Thailand. Thus, China does not follow the logic of a liberalizing ideology as the path to development, quite the contrary, as its development strategy vigorously calls this ideology into question. Similarly and innovatively-and perhaps unthinkably for a peripheral economy-, it is also calling into question the global hegemonic, US-driven framework that has existed since after World War II. The manner by which China has entered the process of capital globalization was quite different from that of other peripheral countries, and, in view of its specificities, raises new questions and doubts about the strategic development designs of peripheral countries, even those under capitalism and the logic of capital, particularly with regard to the role of the State and of multinational capital.
The Neoliberal World Order in Crisis, and Beyond: An East European Perspective, 2023
This chapter strives to paint a more complex picture of the nature of China’s systems, its characteristics, development, and complex relationship with the US-led capitalist (neo)imperialist order, together with its central contradictions and potential trends and transformations. It is initially argued that a complex perspective is needed given not only the specificity and exceptionality of the system in China and its historical and contemporary development, but also the country’s growing importance in shaping the potential future of the global order characterised by the fundamental contradictions of the current global and national systems intensifying. The analytical framework is based on a critical interrogation of predominantly Marxist, but also other critical analyses of China. The analysis first focuses on the PRC’s historical politico-economic development during the reform period after the late 1970s, where the country’s internal and geopolitical and geoeconomic conditions of possibility, and central characteristics are addressed. The spotlight is placed on the nature of the break with the Maoist period and the genesis of specific central characteristics of the novel system gradually established following Deng Xiaoping’s reforms. The singular nature of these reforms that enabled China to avoid a general breakdown of society, the economy and politics that characterised the reforms in the Soviet Union and its Eastern European and Asian satellites are considered, while the contingency and non-teleological nature of China’s reforms are also addressed. This serves as the starting point for the second part of the analysis in which the specific nature and characteristics of China’s post-reform system and its relationship with the US-dominated politico-economic and geopolitical order are reflected on. Building on the insights of Marxist thinkers, we strive to offer a complex picture of the paradoxical/dialectical nature of China’s present system. This enables a consideration of specific central fundamental contradictions present in China’s system, while potentially highlighting contradictions that, while crucial, are less prominent in existing research. The final section concentrates on technological development in China as it plays a vital role not only in the country’s historical and present development but is understood by the CCP as essential in its quest to address crucial politico-economic, geopolitical, and ecological contradictions. Focus is placed on why the technological sector is a crucial part of the politicoeconomic system, and why it is the prime target of the US-led Western anti- China policies.
The paper addresses the question of China's changing position in the global order. It takes a long-term historical perspective. As for the contemporary era, it argues that since roughly 2010-12 the Chinese leadership has given up on its ambition to be accepted by the US as an equal partner in managing the global economy, and has shifted its strategt towards creating its own parallel hegemonic structures, all connected to its One Belt, One Road strategic initiative.
The Belt and Road Strategy in International Business and Administration, 2019
The purpose of this chapter is to stand against the claim that the same neo-liberal model emerges in all countries as a result of the competitive pressures arising from globalization. Countries can experience a globalization pattern that improves their growth performance and living standards with different policy preferences in the fields of finance, trade, and investment. The variety of Chinese capitalism is a case of this situation. In the first section, this Chinese development model with its illiberal policies first is examined. In the second section, the new development initiatives and institutional arrangements and their potential effects are discussed. In addition, the implications of these new development initiatives are argued in terms of global governance systems.
2019
In recent years, China has continued its economic and military ascendency within the region and beyond, posing challenges to the supremacy of the US. The model of economic development that China has followed in the last few decades is being called the Beijing Consensus (BC) or China Model which is viewed as an alternative to the Washington Consensus (WC). However, to become a global hegemon requires much more than just a strong economy. At the moment, it seems unlikely that China can become a hegemon in the near future. Despite its fast growing economy and policies to keep this growth sustainable, China faces domestic as well as regional challenges. Until it is able to replace the US as the leading power in global politics it won’t be able to influence other nations to the degree it might want. Although the Chinese model of economic development is increasingly being viewed favorably, most of the world still advocates the WC, which has been around for much longer. In addition, unless...
Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews, 2010
2008
At the beginning of the current century, China, with its double-digit GDP growth, prodigious exports, staggering appetite for resources, and massive hoard of foreign exchange, has become the world’s newest, and largest Wirtschaftswunder. Today’s vision of dynamic China represents a major shift from the recent past. It is also the latest in a long series of historical changes in the external view of China’s position among the economies of Asia and the world.
China Economic Review, 2016
China's rapid growth and its growth model have accelerated important existing structural trends in the world economy and made them decisive characteristics of the global economy. In particular, China has ensured that this will be the era of the global market economy; the super-industrial economy; the post-industrial economy; the ecologically constrained economy; the complex economy; the highly globalized economy; the innovation economy; an economy with a new moral consciousness about the global supply chain; and an economy with an emerging new monetary system.
BOARDS AND STAFF, 2011
Giovanni Arrighi's The Long Twentieth Century is an almost unfathomably ambitious and complex work. Its monumentality derives from Arrighi's conviction that the best way to handicap the possible futures of the world capitalist geo-economy is to analyze the structural evolution of this global system, an evolution spanning more than five centuries; the genius of the work rests in the distinctive approach that Arrighi takes. At the core of his approach is the identification of those long-term trends and accreted characteristics-one might call them "systemic contradictions"-that promise to send the world capitalist geo-economy in a radically different developmental direction as US hegemony wanes. Arrighi's assessment of these contradictions compel him to make a provocative suggestion: in all likelihood, no singular concentration of state and economic power possesses the territorial scale or the organizational capacities required to lead the global system through another round of restructuring and expansion. Properly framed, this illuminating insight could serve as the starting point for a theoretical exploration of the socio-ecological constraints to global capitalist reproduction, but such is a journey (mostly) not taken by Arrighi in The Long Twentieth Century. In fact, to the degree that he subsequently contemplates the prospect of a China-centered reconstitution of the world geo-economy, Arrighi marginalizes the question of global systemic contradictions altogether.
Journal of World-Systems Research, 2011
Giovanni Arrighi’s The Long Twentieth Century is an almost unfathomably ambitious and complex work. Its monumentality derives from Arrighi’s conviction that the best way to handicap the possible futures of the world capitalist geo-economy is to analyze the structural evolution of this global system, an evolution spanning more than five centuries; the genius of the work rests in the distinctive approach that Arrighi takes. At the core of his approach is the identification of those long-term trends and accreted characteristics – one might call them “systemic contradictions” – that promise to send the world capitalist geo-economy in a radically different developmental direction as US hegemony wanes. Arrighi’s assessment of these contradictions compel him to make a provocative suggestion: in all likelihood, no singular concentration of state and economic power possesses the territorial scale or the organizational capacities required to lead the global system through another round of restructuring and expansion. Properly framed, this illuminating insight could serve as the starting point for a theoretical exploration of the socio-ecological constraints to global capitalist reproduction, but such is a journey (mostly) not taken by Arrighi in The Long Twentieth Century. In fact, to the degree that he subsequently contemplates the prospect of a China-centered reconstitution of the world geo-economy, Arrighi marginalizes the question of global systemic contradictions altogether.
Virginia Review of Asian Studies, 2019
Regardless of theoretical perspective, hierarchy is an ever present focus of international Relations, especially in terms of empire or hierarchy. Due to the structural impact of the Industrial Revolution since the late 18 th century, it has become possible for one to find differences concerning the definition and behavior of hegemonies. This paper identifies three types of empires in history-classic, European and modern-based on the outcome and appearance of power as demonstrated by the hegemon or dominant power. Looking towards the future, China indeed stands out. Nonetheless, China needs to respond to the following questions in its rise onto the world stage: (a) whether to conform to the assumptions of parity and overtake, or reduce the power differential with the incumbent hegemon (the United States); (b) to be in possession of a power vacuum (for example, East Asia) that can serve as a geopolitical foundation; (c) to use force effectively to demonstrate and increase its international status, but prevent from being dragged into unnecessary mudslides; (d) to come up with grand strategies characterized by long term vision instead of great power strategies aimed only at catching up. This paper adopts the approach of paradigm shift and China as the case study, and seeks to understand its strategic choices and potential influences in the world in the near future.
Journal of World-Systems Research, 2015
The economic ascent of China in the past two decades is the most dramatic change in the capitalist world-economy of this period. Analyses focus on changes in government control of the economy, the availability of low cost workers for export production, the historical characteristics of Chinese economy and society, and the role of the Chinese government as a developmental state. All highlight key parts of China s economic ascent, but none addresses what we argue will be the critical component of future sustained economic ascent, if it is to take place in China: the role of raw materials and transport industries as generative sectors. These generative sectors in the most successful historical cases articulate domestic economic development with the creation ofnew systems of international economic and political relations, ultimately restructuring the capitalist world-economy in support of a nation s ascent to core status and its ability to challenge the existing hegemon and other ascend...
Politics & Society, 2020
A comparative historical perspective shows how globalization and the specificities of China's rapid growth era limit its hegemonic potential in the twenty-first century global economy. Although state capitalism and openness to foreign capital facilitated China's economic transformation, interactions among three forms of capital-state, private, and foreign-have produced developmental dynamics that constrain China's capacity to assume the position of the world's economic hegemon. These include (1) the compromised competitiveness of China's corporate sector due to the domination of state-owned enterprises, (2) limits on the ability of Chinese firms to develop leading transnational corporations, and (3) early openness to and continued dependence on foreign capital. Moreover, the party-state's efforts to ameliorate these constraints arouse external suspicion rather than support a Chinese-led hegemonic order based on consent and shared interests. These historically conditioned realities should temper expectations that China is converging teleologically toward a familiar hegemonic role in the international economy.
From the First Industrial Revolution through the twentieth century, the global hierarchy of nation states evolved. The contemporary pecking order includes social formations previously viewed as backward and underdeveloped. The twentieth century revolutions, particularly those in Russia and China, were national attempts at overcoming obstacles to development within a global system dominated by powerful neocolonial states. The organized struggle took a revolutionary socialist turn, confronting the old order with a promise of creating a condition not previously known to the masses. To that end various strategies as informed by Scientific Marxism, Marxism-Leninism, Stalinism, Trotskyism, and Maoism, among others, were adopted by the two Revolutions-the Bolsheviks and the Communist Party of China under the banner of socialism. In both Russia and China the peasantry acted as the proletariat and the leaders as the vanguard revolutionaries. While Russia and its satellite countries and Soviets of post-October Revolution continued to maintain the anti-capitalist state ideology until the implosion, the People's Republic of China began reorienting its approach to the world from remaining behind the Great Wall to engaging with global capitalism-the bearer of technology and multifaceted power while maintaining its state ideology. The rise of China as the second superpower in a remarkably short period of time is owed much to the awareness of the leadership and structure that engaging with the world, particularly in the age of advanced robotics and internet, is the ultimate survival strategy. This strategy has produced positive results for China, and in the age of AI (Artificial Intelligence) has propelled it to a hegemonic position in the hierarchy of global capitalism. China provides an excellent context for assessing the
Socialism and Democracy, 2010
Marxist Sociology Blog, 2020
China’s stunning economic growth and technological prowess have stoked anxiety that the world’s longest-surviving communist regime is poised to replace the United States as the next global hegemon. Coupled with the expectation that China may emerge from the Covid-19 pandemic less scathed than the West, to many observers the scenario of a US-China power transition appears even more likely, if not inevitable. We disagree. In a recent article, we detail why much of the current discourse on China’s rise significantly overstates its economic might. China’s model of state capitalism and the dynamics of globalization have contributed to its rapid development over the past four decades. Yet these same factors circumscribe its hegemonic potential.
مجلة الجامعة العربية الأمريكية للبحوث, 2018
This study addresses China's rise, which has enhanced its international standing and its rapid progress to become one of the most important countries that are sought for investment by the world's countries. In addition, this rise has not only enabled China to strengthen its standing, presence and influence on many countries around the world, especially the United States of America, which is the first recipient of the Chinese investments abroad, but this rise has also led to China's transformation and the sustainability of its economic growth, which has become one of the main icons of the stability in the global economy,.and its recovery from the continuous economic recession since the global crisis in 2008. The main aim of this study is to identify the levels of China's rise and the problems being faced in the World of today. According to this study, China has not reached nor is expected to reach the level to be competitive to the US in the short run., but it may reach the position of a great economic world power.
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