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2008, Philosophy & Social Criticism
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19 pages
1 file
This essay offers a close reading of Derrida’s response to the events of September 11, 2001, in the interview he conducted immediately afterwards with Giovanna Borradori in the text Philosophy in a Time of Terror (2003). I argue that this text is significantly different from previous philosophical responses to horrific political events (such as those by Walter Benjamin, Theodor Adorno and Hannah Arendt) insofar as it invites us to contest radically the assumption that philosophy’s role is to envision and to realize the ‘good’. Instead, Derrida’s response provokes us to acknowledge that philosophy’s role was only ever to criticize itself, that this is the absolute limit of what philosophy can or should do, and that this work is both genuinely risky and crucially important, because in undertaking a critique of itself philosophy intervenes for democracy, without rules or guarantees, in the very determinations that are the material of political life.
German Law Journal, 2003
An international lawyer is in part pleased, in part embarrassed when philosophers contemplating the international order put their hope in international law. True, such declarations of faith are not normally for the law as it is but as a reformed ideal. But they do enact a routine move international lawyers have made since the late 19th century: one's faith is never to present law, but always to how it will be in a desired future. 1 Messianism may perhaps be interpreted as a defence to excessive expectations loaded on experts of a technical craft. But it must surely be taken seriously when manifested in dialogues with Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida, two of Europe's most influential public intellectuals. This book is not a discussion between Habermas and Derrida but between each and the editor, Giovanna Borradori, Professor of Philosophy at Vassar College. Each is invited to approach the significance of the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center in 2001 from his own standpoint. The book does not develop into an encounter: perhaps this would have been too much to hope. But it does show the striking similarity of the political conclusions drawn by two philosophers, often seen as adversaries, from the attacks and their aftermath. The dialogues are framed by the editor in two lengthy exposés of the thought of each philosopher plus a commentary on each dialogue. These glosses usefully link the debate to larger themes though to suggest, as Borradori does, that the dialogues are about "the legacy of the Enlightenment in a globalized world" and that Habermas and Derrida "share an allegiance to the Enlightenment" is to have that word do too much work, a reflection of the editor's own project instead of her interlocutors'. To suggest that their agreement is about "the Enlightenment" depoliticises their positions in a way that is faithful to
Space on earth, as far as humans are concerned, is in the process of being 'globalized', at least in the sense that many of the barriers that existed in the modern – as opposed to the postmodern – world have collapsed or have become more permeable than before, allowing two-way flows of various kinds. Most generally, these include cultural flows, economic flows, political and social flows. Unavoidably, they also create the opportunity for 'terror' to cross borders and slip through barriers. Two important thinkers who recently, in the wake of 9/11, responded philosophically to the (by now) ostensibly ubiquitous threat of terror, Jacques Derrida and Jürgen Habermas, did so in interestingly divergent ways. This article is an attempt to characterize the significant philosophical differences between Derrida and Habermas on the question of 'Philosophy in a time of terror', and to situate their responses, elicited by Giovanna Borradori, in a broader context, partly suggested by themselves and Borradori, and partly by other thinkers such as Hardt and Negri. Given the comparably multifaceted character of Derrida's response, proportionally more attention is given to it than to Habermas's.
In this paper I discuss the positions of Jacques Derrida and Jürgen Habermas on terrorism, as an example of their methods. I explain both deconstruction and reconstruction, and critically evaluate both approaches to philosophy. The paper is intended as a way towards Besinnung, in a time of frantic and confused conceptualization.
This essay is concerned with how professional philosophers in the English-speaking world have reacted to the times that “9/11” inaugurated. I suggest that very little has changed besides the selection of topics about which we philosophize, though both this continuity and what change there has been bespeak our commitment to making experience intelligible at the conceptual level. One widespread reaction to the post-9/11 world is fear arising, arising from the unfamiliarity of the people who inhabit and the events that take place in this world. By trying to make these unknowns known to us on the conceptual level, philosophers can do their part to help overcome the fear that came in the train of 9/11.
This strikes me as a strange conclusion to an otherwise valuable book. Strange, not only because it ascribes to Mouffe a philosophical position (skepticism) and ethical stance (callousness) that do not seem tenable but also because it assumes that the idea of acknowledgment will somehow release us from the costs that belong to politics, the experience of inclusion and exclusion. The constitution of a border can be read not as a logical point about the necessary constitution of a "them" as the condition of the "we" but as a political question about how certain figurations of the "we" and the "they" get constituted in very specific contexts. What Wittgenstein would help us to see here is that there is no logical necessity to exclusion as the timeless condition of inclusion but only the contingencies of certain political practices by which we include and exclude.
In outline, this article sets out a threefold division of material, that is of the matter in hand, between concern for an affect called ‘terror’, a matter perhaps for a philosophical psychology; an analysis of political events called ‘terror’, a matter perhaps for the historians; and the political weapon, or strategy, called ‘terrorism’. Three distinct disciplines are thus invoked: a philosophical psychology, history, and that of political strategy. This conjoining would then seem to put the focus rather on the works of Niccolo Machiavelli than those of Martin Heidegger or indeed of either Jurgen Habermas, or Jacques Derrida. One of the problems confronting any attempt to analyse the condition of philosophy in a time of terror, or, indeed, confronting Heidegger’s notion of a poetics ‘in a time of deprivation’ (Heidegger ([1950] 2002) is this lack of a discipline, and of a mode of enquiry with the required scope to engage effectively in analysis of these designated matters. For while the analysis might appear at first sight to take place within the rubric of political theory, and of a study of international relations, one of the problems here is the lack of a shared concept of politics, as either theory, or practice, or of both taken together. It would require a modern Clausewitz to surmise that terrorism is politics conducted by other means (Clausewitz ([1832] 2002). Thinking futurity and thinking about a future worth having requires that concepts of politics be expanded to permit entry to those who currently are deemed to practice terror, while it would appear that the inversion,, ‘politics is terror practiced by other means’, is unavailable, or, worse, monopolized by those already empowered. The question of institution is a third theme for discussion, alongside the questions concerning dates, and disciplinary delimitation. ....................................................................................................... .................................................................................................................................... Women: a cultural review Vol. 22. Nos. 2/3. ISSN 0957-4042 print/ISSN 1470-1367 online # 2011 Taylor & Francis http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Philosophy and Social Criticism
Animus 11 (2006): 1-26.
Philosophy which excludes reason united with religion as irrational determines that secular societies where such philosophy is normative must be at war with Islamic societies
2013
This thesis examines how the late work of Jacques Derrida challenges the efficacy of the concept of biopolitics to describe the relationship between life and politics. The central question that occupies this thesis is how life becomes part of the political, how it exits the putative spontaneity of nature and enters the calculation of sovereignty. In order to posit this question, my work is organized according to two horizons. The first horizon centers on the ways in which Derrida configures the relationship between life and politics. The second horizon is that the 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center or what is now known as September 11 or 9/11 became an event around which Derrida bends this critique of life in politics. My first chapter looks to Derrida's concept of autoimmunity as a way to articulate the problematic conflation of life and politics by the term "biopolitics." While Derrida does not explicitly state his complication of this term, I argue that "autoimmunity" positions life as an impossibly unstable concept, one that cannot and should not be confined to a single understanding. My second chapter turns to the first volume of Derrida's final seminars The Beast and The Sovereign. This chapter continues many of the themes pursued in the first chapter, but changes the focus from an autoimmune critique of democracy toward a more generalized critique of human life as political and non-human life as apolitical. Ultimately I pursue the idea that Derrida sought to rethink a configuration of the political that apprehends life in excess of politics. Derrida imagines a politics that escapes being pulled into the political and contoured into so many configurations of death and subjugation. v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First, I would like to thank my partner Nandini Thiyagarajan without whose support and companionship I would be simply lost. Second, I would like to thank my supervisor David L. Clark whose insight, encouragement and patience proved vital as I worked to complete this project. I am grateful to have had the opportunity to experience his mentorship and pedagogy firsthand. I would also like to thank my committee members, Dr. Dana Hollander and Dr. Susan Searls Giroux for their tremendous contributions to my thesis.
Contents Acknowledgements 9 Introduction – Theory Ground Zero: Terror, Theory and the Humanities after 9/11 11 Jeffrey R. Di Leo and Uppinder Mehan I Terror, Philosophy and the University 1. “Cosmopolitisme ou barbarie”? September 11, Higher Education, and Cosmopolitan Literacy: An Asymmetric Manifesto 35 Christian Moraru 2. Universities, Terrorists, Narrative, Porcupines 52 Terry Caesar 3. World Bank University: The War on Terror and the Battles for the Global Commons 66 David B. Downing 4. The Company They Keep: How Apologists for Faith Rationalize Terrorism 90 Horace L. Fairlamb 5. Terror, Aesthetics, and the Humanities in the Public Sphere 113 Emory Elliott II Terror, Film, and Exceptionalism 6. Films about Terrorism, Cinema Studies and the Academy 135 Elaine Martin 7. Shaherazad On-Line: Women’s Work and Technologies of War 154 Robin Truth Goodman 8. Neoliberalism as Terrorism; or State of Disaster Exceptionalism 178 Sophia A. McClennen 9. Terror and American Exceptionalism 196 William V. Spanos 10. The Ethics of Trauma/The Trauma of Ethics 223 Zahi Zalloua Notes on Contributors 244
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