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2017
AI
This chapter analyzes Russia's foreign policy approach to Europe, focusing on its energy resources as a central tool for asserting global influence. It emphasizes that while Russia's energy dependency presents risks for Europe, it simultaneously positions Russia as a crucial actor in shaping European energy security. The study concludes that the future stability of this relationship will depend on Europe's ability to diversify its energy sources and reduce reliance on Russian supplies.
Russia defines itself as a great power in relation to Europe and the West. The first part of the article traces how, since 1991, a story about greatness centred on being part of contemporary European civilization has given way to a story of how Russia is great by being superior to a Europe that is now seen as rotten and decadent. The former story spelled cooperation with Europe and the West, where the latter spells confrontation. The second part argues that Russia’s superiority complex is unsustainable. It is hard to see how, in the face of the formative structural pressure of the state system, Russia will be able to sustain its superiority complex. A state that does not order itself in such a way that it may either gain recognition as a great power by forcing its way and/or by being emulated by others, is unlikely to maintain that status. The costs of maintaining great-power status without radical political and economic change seem to be increasing rapidly. If Russia wants to maintain its status, an about-turn is needed. Such a turn may in itself be no solution, though, for if Russia does not do anything about the root causes of its perceived inferiority to Europe, , then the Russian cyclical shifting from a Westernizing to a xenophobic stance will not be broken.
Russia, Eurasia and the New Geopolitics of Energy, 2015
2016
As Russia reasserts itself in an international system still governed by a “Western ” conception of order drawn from liberal models of capitalism and democracy, how are the European Union and the United States responding to this re-emerging power? This is the question that we attempt to tackle in the conclusion to this volume; its answer has important implications for the viability of the current international economic and political order.2 The fall of the Soviet Union, followed by the political and economic liberalization of Russia, prompted many observers to believe that Russia would gradually incorporate itself into Western economic and political systems. Unfortunately, the promise of a diplomatic 1 The authors would like to thank Sarah Garding and Theocharis Grigoriadis for their helpful comments. 2 More generally, how the US responds to rising powers such as India, China, and Brazil poses a central challenge for analysts and policymakers.
ijpmonline
The world at large is on the edge very complex and complicated world with new understanding of ideologies, new version of foreign or external affairs of different partners. This is a New World. For Russia, as well as for India, or for China necessary to understand and even accept that each of them is not only one or main actor in Eurasia. Perhaps it holds true for other countries all around the World, even for the United States whose field of the interests is the whole world or for Britain. New players arise and old ones long for a new fair relations.The crisis spreads on different levels - local, bilateral, regional, global - acting as a factor in the next stage of turbulence of international relations and world politics. At the same time, for the XXI century it is the longest period of strict confrontation, affecting the basics and principles of post-bipolar world order. There is the option that the future of Eurasia will be determined by the new configuration of the world order a...
The uncertainties in the new international order, marked by growing interdependence as a result of the processes of globalization, along with fragmentation tendencies in the form of secession and protectionism, together with the numerous threats to international security, contribute to the complexity of the international scenario, raising questions about cooperation and competition, the balancing of norms and interests, and the juxtaposition and coordination of objectives and resources. In this context, the clarification of the relationship between the European Union and its largest neighbor, the Russian Federation, through the identification of competing interests and cooperation opportunities, along with the analysis of the agendas of these distinct actors, are relevant for the understanding of the EU's eastern neighborhood policy in relation to Putin's Russia in a political-security perspective. Realizing they need one another, this relationship has, nevertheless, been marked by many ups and downs. To what extent might cooperation prevail in the midst of competing interests? How far might Putin's growing undemocratic practices affect Moscow's relations with the EU? What impact might the affirmation of a stronger EU security and defense capability have on the EU-Russia link? By seeking to find answers to these and other questions, this paper aims to analyze the complex context in which the EU-Russia relationship takes place, looking for possible ways ahead in the building of cooperation and in the finding of a balance necessary for constructing stability throughout Europe. Looking East: The EU and Russia 2 How has Russia been responding to the new security challenges? Adapting to the changing conditions in a post-cold war context, or changing its security perceptions in response to the European integration process/enlargement policy? And how far might Putin's growing undemocratic practices affect Moscow's relation with the EU? What impact might the affirmation of a stronger EU security and defense capability have on the EU-Russia link? A complex relationship based on distinct principles leaves ample room for cooperation and competition and for an acknowledgment of the benefits of a working strategic partnership, while precluding both the EU and Russia from assuming it as a declared goal, with persisting distrust and animosity. Partners and rivals in the same play: a complex argument where the actors' performance includes both collaborative initiatives and exchange of accusations, seeming like an almost unmanageable "love-hate" relationship.
2020
This volume seeks to explore Russia’s perceptions of the changing international system in the twenty-first century and evaluate the determinants of Russian motives, roles and strategies towards a number of contemporary regional and global issues. The chapters of the volume discuss various aspects of Russian foreign policy with regard to key actors like the U.S., EU and China; international organizations such as the BRICS, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Eurasian Economic Union and Collective Security Treaty Organization; and a number of regional conflicts including Ukraine and Syria. The contributors seek to understand how the discourses of “anti-Westernism” and “post-Westernism” are employed in the redefinition of Russia’s relations with the other actors of the international system and how Russia perceives the concept of “regional hegemony,” particularly in the former Soviet space and the Middle East.
The uncertainties in the new international order, marked by growing interdependence as a result of the processes of globalization, along with fragmentation tendencies in the form of secession and protectionism, together with the numerous threats to international security, contribute to the complexity of the international scenario, raising questions about cooperation and competition, the balancing of norms and interests, and the juxtaposition and coordination of objectives and resources. In this context, the clarification of the relationship between the European Union and its largest neighbor, the Russian Federation, through the identification of competing interests and cooperation opportunities, along with the analysis of the agendas of these distinct actors, are relevant for the understanding of the EU's eastern neighborhood policy in relation to Putin's Russia in a political-security perspective. Realizing they need one another, this relationship has, nevertheless, been marked by many ups and downs. To what extent might cooperation prevail in the midst of competing interests? How far might Putin's growing undemocratic practices affect Moscow's relations with the EU? What impact might the affirmation of a stronger EU security and defense capability have on the EU-Russia link? By seeking to find answers to these and other questions, this paper aims to analyze the complex context in which the EU-Russia relationship takes place, looking for possible ways ahead in the building of cooperation and in the finding of a balance necessary for constructing stability throughout Europe. Looking East: The EU and Russia 2 How has Russia been responding to the new security challenges? Adapting to the changing conditions in a post-cold war context, or changing its security perceptions in response to the European integration process/enlargement policy? And how far might Putin's growing undemocratic practices affect Moscow's relation with the EU? What impact might the affirmation of a stronger EU security and defense capability have on the EU-Russia link? A complex relationship based on distinct principles leaves ample room for cooperation and competition and for an acknowledgment of the benefits of a working strategic partnership, while precluding both the EU and Russia from assuming it as a declared goal, with persisting distrust and animosity. Partners and rivals in the same play: a complex argument where the actors' performance includes both collaborative initiatives and exchange of accusations, seeming like an almost unmanageable "love-hate" relationship.
2020
Against this background, the EU will also need a strategic and more effective approach in its relations with Russia, which since the Ukraine crisis have remained in a fundamental deadlock. Recently France has attempted to enter into a broader bilateral dialogue with Russia, which to date has achieved minimal results and suffers from a lack of broader EU support for renewed engagement. As other member states have also been struggling with their (bilateral) Russia policies, including the Netherlands with its own recently published “Russia strategy,” an overarching European approach towards Russia is long overdue, in order to counter Moscow’s tendencies to ignore the EU as such and work bilaterally with mainly the bigger EU member states, like Germany and France. Ultimately, the lack of a unified approach serves only Russian interests.
RUDN Journal of Russian History, 2020
This article examines the notion of a “Greater Europe” in Russian foreign policy from the 1990s to the present. The idea developed as the Russian government sought to establish its national and civilizational identy in the wake of the USSR’s dissolution. At the turn of the 21st century, Moscow embraced the idea of a rapprochement with the rest of Europe. Pursuing the notion of “Greater Europe,” to create a single continental economic, political and cultural space, became a major diplomatic objective as it developed a strategic partnership with the European Union. However, in more recent years its outlook on the world has changed. Furthermore, after relations with Brussels deteriorated in the wake of the Ukrainian crisis and the latter’s imposition of sanctions has also affected Russian foreign policy. This article considers the emergence and evolution of the idea of a “Greater Europe”, and examines possible ways to realize this ambition. It argues that a EAEU-EU “combination” could become a basis for implementing this concept. However, any potential rapprochement can only be possible when the political barriers the EU established in its relations with Russia and the EAEU are removed.
Palgrave Macmillan, 2019
This volume seeks to explore Russia’s perceptions of the changing international system in the twenty-first century and evaluate the determinants of Russian motives, roles and strategies towards a number of contemporary regional and global issues. The chapters of the volume discuss various aspects of Russian foreign policy with regard to key actors like the U.S., EU and China; international organizations such as the BRICS, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Eurasian Economic Union and Collective Security Treaty Organization; and a number of regional conflicts including Ukraine and Syria. The contributors seek to understand how the discourses of “anti-Westernism” and “post-Westernism” are employed in the redefinition of Russia’s relations with the other actors of the international system and how Russia perceives the concept of “regional hegemony,” particularly in the former Soviet space and the Middle East.
Post-Communist States in the World Community
How is Russian security policy changing in the course of the 1990s?l After an initial period of confusion following the dissolution of the Soviet Union Russia began to reassert its interests as a great power. What sort of Russian policy do we now see emerging? Is this policy something new or simply a return to a traditional power policy? And, finally, what are the consequences of this policy for Europe? These are the questions that will be discussed briefly in this chapter. New patterns of cooperation are emerging in Europe and common security structures are being formed. The dissolution of the Soviet Union entailed the loss of Russia's great power role in Europe, but it also created the possibilities for Russia to become an integrated part of Europe. After having primarily played the role of gendarme in East European policy in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries Russia was given the chance instead to become integrated economically, politically and culturally with the whole of Europe and thus to take its place as a 'normal great power' in cooperation with other states. The changes occurring in Europe offer the possibility of new patterns of cooperation and also of improving the position of individual states. The dissolution of the Soviet Union forced not only a Russian military retreat from Eastern Europe but also a withdrawal of Russian troops to the borders of the former Soviet Russian republic. Since spring 1993 Russia has more self-consciously asserted its state interests and tried to unite a more demanding policy vis-d-vis the 'near abroad' with a cooperative policy towards the West. How does this ambiguity influence Russian policy in Europe? In the next section shifts in Russian national security strategy will be analysed. Following that the changes in how the Russian government defines Russia's role as a great power will be considered. Russian policy 87 W. E. Ferry et al. (eds.
e-cadernos CES, 2013
Since the end of the Cold War, Russia has retained special attention as a Eurasian country with a defining role in the evolution of the former-soviet space. We argue here that the issue of Russian evolution under Putin's leadership has raised specific questions in the security realm, potentially affecting the entire post-soviet space and the European security architecture. This paper aims at, firstly, exploring geopolitics as a contributing perspective to this issue and, secondly, shedding some light on the role of normative (non-)convergence in explaining Russian external action. The paper will pay special attention to new modes of cooperation and competition that Moscow has developed with the US and the EU in the 2000's. Finally, the paper assesses how the strategic approach is complementary to the normative perspective in understanding current challenges.
Debater a Europa, 2018
After a decade of sporadic cooperation between newly emergent Russia and the countries of the West, differences have mounted to the point where the two sides now confront one another with alternative visions of a future Europe – especially Central and Eastern Europe – and relations that mirror some of the worst days of the Soviet-Western cold war. The central issues in the dispute include Moscow’s commitment to rebuilding ‘Greater Russia,’ the European Union (EU)’s goal of surrounding itself with stable democratic states, and the fact that these goals conflict in post-Soviet Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. The revival of the Russian economy and political system under Vladimir Putin has enabled Moscow to use various forms of coercive diplomacy, including outright military intervention, to pursue its goals. The EU’s support for democratic governances in the region is viewed in Moscow as a direct challenge to Russia’s interests and to the Russian state itself. The result has been a co...
KATHA - The Official Journal of the Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, 2020
The purpose of this topic is to discuss the massive limitations of Pro-Western policies based on the impacts of Ukraine crisis and Crimea annexation. The international orders that existed nowadays, such as the UN Charter, NATO Articles, and EU policies, are purposely setup to promote global peace and harmony in our world order. However, the impact of the Ukraine crisis is contrary to the intention of international orders, as the reality in Europe. The scope of this study is restricted to the NATO policies, EU policies, and the introduction of the UN Charter. Content analysis is the methodology to identify three sections for this study. This study is divided into three sections, i.e. the limitation of the Western policy in the Ukraine conflict, the weakness of NATO military power, and the failure of Pro-Western policies in the case of Ukraine crisis. The sections were analysed by the Neoclassical realism approach to ascertain the irrelevance of the international orders within the parameters of the UN Charter, NATO Articles, and EU policies. Limitations of Pro-Western policies in the case of the Ukraine crisis is unprecedented for the application of Neoclassical realism; hence, reasonably understanding the situation of the Ukraine crisis is the primary application of this study.
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