Mendicant Friars and the Legacy of Indulgences

The Historian, 2006

Theological Studies, 1967

We are fortunate to be commemorating the 450th anniversary of the beginning of the Reformation at a time when the detailed monographs of Hans Volz, 1 Erwin Iserloh, 2 and Klemens Honselmann 3 are at hand to provide a mass of information about the immediate circumstances of Martin Luther's initial intervention on indulgences. The present article seeks to complement their work by presenting to the theological public the forgotten document in Luther's intervention. This document is the short treatise sketching a tentative theology of indulgences which Luther sent to Archbishop Albrecht of Mainz and Magde-NOTE.-This article was written while the author was a research assistant in the Catholic Ecumenical Institute of the University of Münster/Westf. The author is deeply grateful to the Director of the Institute, Prof. Erwin Iserloh, for the many discussions that accompanied and aided the growth of this contribution to the Reformation anniversary. 1 Martin Luthers Thesenanschlag und dessen Vorgeschichte (Weimar, 1959). This truly amazing collection of information pertaining to Luther's theses was written in the course of a discussion between Volz and Kurt Aland carried on in the Deutsches Pfarrerblatt in 1957-58 about whether the theses were posted on October 31 (Aland) or November 1 (Volz). Volz's collection of texts on pages 19 to 23 of his book remains the principal basis of the new controversy over whether the theses were posted at all. 2 Luther zwischen Reform und Reformation (Münster, 1966). This is an expanded and fully-documented statement of the position that the theses were never posted which Iserloh maintained in his recension of Volz's 1959 book (see n. 1 above) in the Trierer theologische Zeitschrift 70 (1961) 303-12. Iserloh also stated his position in Luthers Thesenanschlag: Tatsache oder Legende? (Wiesbaden, 1962), which is the text of a lecture he gave under the auspices of Joseph Lortz's Institute for European History in Mainz. The heated discussion that followed Iserloh's early publications has been chronicled by B. Lohse ("Der Stand der Debatte über Luthers Thesenanschlag," Luther 34 [1963] 132-36) and by H. Steitz ("Martin Luthers Ablassthesen von 1517: Bericht über die Diskussion 1957-1965," Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht 16 [1965] 661-74). 8 Urfassung und Drucke der Ablassthesen Martin Luthers und ihre Veröffentlichung (Paderborn, 1966). Honselmann organized new evidence against the historicity of the posting of the theses and attempted to reconstruct the very obscure story of their circulation and first printings. Whatever one may think about his reconstruction of the events, Honselmann's work is a valuable contribution to the overdue project of a critical edition of the theses. 481 4 On the question whether the theses were posted at all whether on this day or on November 1,1517, let the following summary suffice. There is firm documentary evidence for Luther's letter to the Archbishop being written on this day and for it being mailed with enclosures. For a theses-posting there is no eyewitness testimony and no direct evidence from Luther's later narratives of the events of late 1517 and early 1518. Further, there are important documents written for the public in which Luther argues in a manner that excludes a theses-posting, e.g., by asserting that the Archbishop is at fault for the tumult since Luther had warned him about Tetzel's work and had given him time to react. Of course, if Luther posted his theses for the benefit of the crowds streaming into the castle church to celebrate its titular feast, then he gave the Archbishop no time to react. Thus the Catholic scholars who deny that Luther posted his theses are able to defend his honesty in his narratives. Those who still maintain that he posted the theses must either neglect Luther's own narratives (as does Franz Lau, "Die gegenwärtige Diskussion um Luthers Thesenanschlag," Luther Jahrbuch 34 [1967] 11-59) or dodge the problem posed by the tenses and conjunctions of Luther's statements (as does H. Bornkamm, "Thesen und Thesenanschlag Luthers," Geist und Geschichte der Reformation: Festgabe Hanns Rückert [Berlin, 1966] pp. 188-91). Luther's narratives are given by Volz (see n. 1 above), and by Iserloh in his 1966 book on pp. 49-53. 6 The original Latin text of Luther's letter is found in D.

Luther's revolution consisted in his development of a regulated theology of strong Augustinian influence -one that puts absolute emphasis on the Bible as the ultimate source of authority 1 . If we define accidental as a reaction to an unexpected stimulus, then we may observe two key features of his revolution between 1517 and 1524 that were the fruit of accidentality. The first one, the development of a subversive theology, was the product of the repressive Catholic reaction to Luther's initial grievances. The second one, the regulation of Luther's theology, arose from the unexpected enthusiasm his message was met with. This enthusiasm sometimes diverged into dangerous radicalism born from ambiguities within Luther's doctrine which would threaten its own existence. By establishing that said components of his revolution were the product of background stimuli, we can confirm that Luther's revolution was accidental.

Although in the course of events the controversies at the time of the Reformation left aside the subject of indulgences to focus on more important issues, traditionally the beginning of Reformation or, at least, a decisive moment of it is considered to be the Disputation on the Power of Indulgences (the so-called Ninety-five Theses), written by Martin Luther in 1517. Certain abuses denounced by him were removed by the Catholic Church half a century later, but the dogmatic definition of indulgences has remained unchanged for well over five centuries. Nowadays, Pope Francis seems to accept in the official documents the definition of indulgences as offered by the famous German Jesuit theologian, Karl Rahner, back in the 1960’s; at that time, this definition could not find its way in the Church documents that still kept the traditional one, though adding certain nuances and specifications. The heart of the matter, however, is not represented by Church abuses committed towards the end of the Middle Ages, as by differences between the Lutheran and Catholic theology on the subject of penance; Luther, for instance, does not accept satisfaction as an element of reconciliation with God, as in the Catholic theology. Karl Rahner developed a theology of penance that excludes the idea of vicarious substitution, which comes near to Luther’s theology on the subject. If Karl Rahner’s definition of indulgences would be explicitly accepted in the official Church documents, that would lead to their abolition, as they could lose their actual meaning.

Journal of Religious History, Virtual Issue, 2017

2017 is the five hundredth anniversary of the promulgation of the “Disputation on the Power and Efficacy of Indulgences,” better known as the “Ninety-Five Theses,” a Latin text that invited academic debate on the Catholic practice of selling indulgences written by Martin Luther (1483-1546), an Augustinian friar and professor of theology at the University of Wittenberg. On 31 October 1517, Luther allegedly affixed his text to the door of All Saints’ Church Wittenberg; in 1521 Luther appeared before Charles V, the Holy Roman Emperor to answer charges of heresy, after Pope Leo X had excommunicated him on 3 January 1521. The Reformation spread like wildfire and by Luther’s death in 1546 Europe and Christianity had been irrevocably changed.

Folia Historica Cracoviensia, 2020

This article contains the edition of the newly found letter of indulgence that was granted by three Roman Cardinals: Francesco Lando, Antonio Pancera, and Francesco Zabarella, for the no-longer extant Franciscan friary in Ashmiany in present-day Belarus. It was issued on 16 January 1416 during the Council of Constance, Sede vacante. The text of this indulgence has been preserved as a copy in the collection of documents of the above-mentioned friary that was compiled in the early seventeenth century (now kept at Vilnius University Library, Manuscript Department, F. 114–13). For the time being, this text represents one of the earliest known indulgences related to a specific religious house in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and thus makes part and parcel of the meagre fund of primary sources illuminating the first steps in the process of Christianization of post-conversion Lithuania. This indulgence may also serve as a clue allowing us to expand the circle of the known participants from Lithuania at the Council of Constance by including Friars Minor, whose scope of service for the Grand Dukes of Lithuania still awaits a more thorough investigation.

The Impact of Luther's 95 Theses Nikolaus Breiner M.Div, Princeton Theological Seminary Ph.D (in progress), Philosophy, Baylor University While Luther's Ninety-Five Theses expressed Luther's strong and confident rejection of the popular teachings, understanding and use of indulgences present in Wittenberg in 1517, the theses were intended to function as points for discussion, rather than as absolute assertions. 1 Luther explained in his letter to the Bishop of Brandenburg shortly after 2 he posted his Theses: on the one hand, Tetzel and his ilk preached such spurious claims (especially concerning the Pope's power) that those who criticized them captivated Luther; but on the other, those people dismissing Tetzel were also rejecting the Pope on Tetzel's account. Luther's solution was the 95 Theses: 95 discussion points which, he believed, an intelligent discussion would reveal be true and agreeable with church teaching, to the discredit the indulgence preachers and the vindication of the Pope. As a self-described "enthusiastic and sincere papist," Luther thought the Pope would certainly agree with if not appreciate his Theses. 3

2017

In 1453 Juan de Torquemada, Dominican theologian and cardinal, completed his "Summa de ecclesia", submitting it for correction to Nicholas V, the reigning Roman pontiff.¹ This magnum opus offered a defense of both the ecclesiastical institution and papal supremacy in it. The cardinal was answering both the heretics of his day, especially the Hussites, and the conciliarists who had dominated the later sessions of the Council of Basel (1431-1449). Torquemada answered the partisans of general councils particularly by claiming for the pope supremacy in the power of jurisdiction in the external forum. This canonistic distinction of jurisdiction in the external forum of causes from jurisdiction in the internal forum of conscience ("forum scilicet conscientiae, & forum causarum") and both from the power of orders allowed him to claim that Peter and his successors had always held this supreme position as his vicars by Christ's own ordinance.² The exposition of papal jurisdictional power in the "Summa de ecclesia" includes a claim that plenitude of power ("plenitudo potestatis") was given by Christ to Peter and his successors, and that it contained all things necessary and expedient for the good of the Church, the Christian republic.³ Torquemada listed fifteen aspects of the plenitude of power. One of these was the pope's ability to grant plenary indulgences from the Church's treasury. Only he, as Christ's vicar, could grant these remissions to any one of the faithful throughout the world for legitimate reasons. Local bishops, according to canon law, could grant their subjects only more limited indulgences, usually for 100 or 40 days, because these prelates merely had a share in papal responsibility for the Church ("in partem sollicitudinis").⁴ Torquemada also introduced the

L'économie des couvents mendiants en Europe centrale: Bohême, Hongrie, Pologne, v. 1220 - v. 1550, 2018

The paper concerns a financial aid to mendicant friaries in the Teutonic State in Prussia. In general, however, the sums paid to the mendicant cloisters by the Teutonic authorities were insignificant and they could not affect their functioning considerably. The support they received was definitely lower than the finances given to hospitals under the patronage of the Teutonic Order. The amounts of 26-30 marks given annually to a dozen of mendicant cloisters ( 2 marks each) was a minor donation. The maintenance of a priest in a parish church in a big Prussian town such as Gdańsk, Toruń or Elbląg cost about 20-30 marks a year. Mendicant cloisters belonged to the group of the poor and the needy; donating some money for such cloisters was considered to be a pious deed. From the perspective of the cloisters the annual donation of two marks was part of the sums received from believers for prayers, which was often recorded e.g. in last wills. For the sake of comparison, let us look at the example of the agreement of 1386 between the Gdańsk Dominicans and the guild of Gdańsk skippers. The skippers paid 30 marks and additionally offered two barrels of herring in return for systematic prayers . If one wanted to invest such a sum in real estates, the profit would have amounted to about 2.5 marks considering the common interest rate in Prussian towns. Hence, it can be concluded that two marks constituted more or less the amount of the profit earned by the guild foundation. Even if the funds given by the Teutonic Order were not significant, they should not be entirely ignored. In the decade under discussion each of the mendicant cloisters received in total 20 marks, or sometimes more. From the perspective of the money mendicants received on a regular basis, the funds donated by the Teutonic authorities were not insignificant.