Slavic verb prefixes are resultative∗∗∗

2010

The empirical base of this paper is the system of verb prefixes in Slavic languages, with a focus on Serbo-Croatian (SC). The paper especially targets the asymmetries between the so-called external and internal (or superlexical and lexical) prefixes, but it eventually proposes a general analysis for the verbal prefixation in SC.

This monograph is concerned with prepositional elements in Slavic languages, prepositions, verbal prefixes and functional elements of prepositional nature. It argues that verbal prefixes are incorporated prepositions projecting its argument structure in the complement position of the verbal root. The meaning of prefixes is based on the two-argument meaning of prepositions, which is enriched with the CAUSE operator, which conjoins the state denoted by the prepositional phrase and the event expressed by the verbal root. This accounts for various effects of prefixation. The book investigates idiomaticity in the realm of prefixed verbs and proposes a novel analysis of non-compositional prefixed verbs. The non-compositional interpretation arises inter alia because of the fact that either the meaning of the verbal part or the meaning of the prepositional part is shifted by means of Nunberg’s (1995) predicate transfer in the course of the derivation. This study also offers a uniform analysis of cases: prepositional as well as non-prepositional cases are treated as a reflection of the operation Agree between Tense-features and phi-features. It presents a new model of prepositional case assignment, in which the type of prepositional case is determined by semantic properties of particular heads of the decomposed preposition. Furthermore, it investigates prepositional movement from diachronic perspective. It is shown that prepositions can be grammaticalised as a functional element of the higher clausal structure.

Proceedings of ESSLLI workshop on Formal Semantics and Cross-Linguistic Data, ed. H. de Hoop & J. Zwarts, 47-56 , 2005

The aim of this paper is twofold. First, I will apply the framework of prepositional aspect, proposed by Zwarts (to appear) for English locative and directional prepositions, to the semantics of Russian and Czech prefixes on motion verbs. Furthermore, I will extend the account of measure phrase modification with locative PPs provided by and to directional PPs. I will show that an apparent aspectual asymmetry between Czech goal-and source-oriented prefixes addressed in , namely that only the latter but not the former can be modified by measure phrases, is more fine-grained in that it follows from the semantics of spatial expressions rather than from an aspectual opposition between these two types of prefixes. Specifically, I will show that there is, in fact, no aspectual difference: both types are telic.

Slavic verbal prefixes form two classes, lexical prefixes, which are base-generated below the verb and superlexical prefixes, which are base-generated in the verb's functional projection (e.g. Svenonius 2004). On any principled syntactic account of linearization, this falsely predicts that they linearize on different sides of the verb. Different ad hoc measures have been proposed to get the linearization right, such as treating some prefixes as heads and others as phrases, or prefixes bearing diacritics that specify their attachment to the left. We argue that all verbal prefixes correspond to various argument-structural effects, and that consequently their locus of base generation is the head of a voice projection. On this basis, an analysis at the PF interface is formulated in terms of Embick and Noyer's (2001) local dislocation, where heads are linearized in a bottom-up fashion respecting their syntactic positionyet every step in the linearization is followed by local dislocation (LD). LD is by default string-vacuous and effects inversion only in case that the head being linearized partakes in an allomorphic realizationeither being allomorphic itself, or being part of a context of allomorphic realization. A strict implementation of this simple algorithm results exactly in the surface order empirically observed.

Jezikoslovlje

Orphan prefixes and the grammaticalization of aspect in South Slavic This paper establishes the term ORPHAN PREFIX for a Slavic prefix that no longer shares a dominant spatial meaning with its cognate preposition. Most Slavic pre-fixes do share such a dominant spatial meaning with their cognate prepositions, cf., e.g., the Russian prefix v-and preposition v, both meaning 'into.' Orphan pre-fixes appear to be an important component of many Slavic aspectual systems. However, in most Slavic languages there is at most one prefix that has lost the semantic connection to its cognate preposition and come to function primarily as a grammatical marker of perfectivity. Only three Slavic prefixes are in fact to be considered orphan prefixes, and each only in some Slavic languages. A first case is Bulgarian iz-'out,' as its cognate preposition iz is no longer used in the spatial meaning 'out of.' The most extreme case is Bulgarian po-, which no longer shares the spatial ...

2010

Proceedings of ConSOLE XXX, 2022

The paper examines perfective verbs with the delimitative prefix po-(podel) combining with durative adverbials (DurAds) in Slavic, primarily based on examples from Serbian. Since DurAds are standardly assumed to diagnose atelicity, such examples constitute the main argument for separating Slavic perfectivity from telicity (e.g. Borik 2006), and pose the major obstacle for the view that perfectives in Slavic are telic (e.g. Łazorczyk 2010). I propose that DurAds are generated in the QP (a telicity projection), while podel combines with the QP, specifiying a telic predicate for singularity. Consequently, all prefixed perfective verbs in Slavic are necessarily telic.

Lingua 118(11):1664-1689, 2008

With respect to their semantic and syntactic behaviour, Slavic verbal prefixes fall into at least two groups. Internal prefixes are locative Ps that constitute a result state subevent, and events described by internally prefixed verbs are telic. External prefixes, on the other hand, are generated outside the VP and function as adverbial modifiers (Czech) or perfectivity markers (Russian). An apparent counter-example to this distinction comes from Czech, which shows an asymmetry between source and goal prefixes: only the former but not the latter are compatible with measure phrases. On grounds of such examples, argues that only goal prefixes derive telic predicates, whereas source prefixes form atelic predicates. However, both prefixes display internal diagnostics and VPs containing either behave like telic predicates with respect to telicity tests. I propose an alternative account for the asymmetry, claiming that it results from different monotonicity properties of the particular result states. With source Ps the result state is topologically open and thus compatible with further modification by measure phrases, whereas a result state with a closed topology (with goal Ps) is not.

Diego Ardoino and Adriano Cerri (eds). Intersezioni baltistiche. Studi e saggi. (Baltica Pisana Series). , 2021

This paper deals with differences between compositional and non-compositional prefixed verbs in Slavic. Using a paraphrase test, it classifies prefixed verbs into four categories. In the course of this, it is shown that non-compositional prefixed verbs do not form a unified class. The paper provides a syntactic and semantic analysis of the particular classes and argues that also prefixed verbs with an idiomatic meaning can receive a compositional analysis. Non-compositional prefixed verbs are incrementally derived but the meaning of their parts can be updated under certain circumstances.