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2004, International Studies Review
International Financial Governance under Stress by Geoffrey Underhill and Xiaoke Zhang is too obviously a conference volume. The seventeen chapters, plus introduction and conclusion, are uneven. Nonetheless, the volume does contain worthwhile analyses and interesting stories, accessible to those who are familiar with the major contemporary debates about international finance. The book is organized thematically but not rigorously. The sections deal respectively with (1) concepts and arguments, (2) country case studies of emerging markets during the Asian financial crisis, (3) country case studies of ''private-public interactions'' in national financial regulation, and, finally, (4) norms and global governance. An alternative organization for the volume, focusing on the kinds of questions each contributor asks, might have helped clarify the ways these essays speak to one another. This review considers, instead, the contributions offering (1) prescriptive policy advice, (2) analysis of the political sociology of financial reform, and (3) theoretical perspectives on the ''democratic deficit'' in global financial governance. The policy-oriented economists who contribute to International Financial Governance under Stress want to know what works and what does not. For example, John Williamson examines a series of policy variablesFincluding opaque public and private accounting, moral hazard in the domestic banking system, fiscal or monetary excess, the wrong exchange rate regimeFin Asian countries that faced currency and banking crises in 1997-1998. He finds that the common experience of countries that suffered crises was recent capital account liberalization. Vijay Joshi views the Indian experience through a similar lens, and both authors recommend limited capital controls. Manmohan S. Kumar and Marcus Miller evaluate the technical feasibility of various institutional alternatives proposed to compensate for the absence of a global lender of last resort. Along the way, they provide some clues to the bargaining strategies of actors including the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the US government, and private multinational lenders and investors. These user-friendly chapters are helpful and should have been grouped together. Unfortunately, they provide only a partial introduction to the several overlapping financial policy issue arenas touched on in the remaining chapters, which have a more direct political focus. For example, the Williamson and Joshi recommendations presumably apply to emerging markets only. Why did the editors omit a complementary summary of concrete policy options for advanced industrial countries afraid that financial globalization will inspire a regulatory race to the bottom or an end to the Western European social welfare state? These questions seem especially pertinent given that they clearly motivated the project as a whole. A quick
Contemporary international finance raises important questions about whether, and how, it might be overseen by national governments and international institutions. Inasmuch as global financial stability is a global public good, there is a normative case for governance structures to try to achieve this goal—whether they take the form of interstate cooperation or international institutions. This, however, does not mean that national states will necessarily be willing or able to work together to provide this global public good, as the incentives to free-ride are enormous. Nonetheless, the past 25 years do indicate that there has been some movement toward the provision of such global public goods as financial harmonization and a semblance of global lender-of-last-resort facilities. The record is spotty, but the trend appears to be in the direction of more global governance of global finance.
2014
This research examines the internationally coordinated, state-led response to the 2007-2008 economic and financial crisis. It addresses the construction of 'alternative narratives' which encompass a partial revision of the economic paradigm, with a particular emphasis on the role of international financial regulatory authority, its rules and institutionalization. The meta-theoretical theme at the centre of this thesis involves the manner in which severe crisis episodes provoke and also reveal the underlying tension and contestation between 'market authority' and 'state authority' in relation to the regulation of the world economy, financial system and firms, with the goal of ensuring maximization of long-term systemic stability and crisis prevention. The construction of alternative crisis-driven narratives is in part a reaction to the previous ideological hegemonic domination of laissez faire neo-liberal beliefs as applied to deregulation (i.e., of self-regulation by markets and private sector actors in the financial sector). The thesis identifies and examines a paradigm shift in response to the crisis: a move from the I would like to thank all those who have supported me during my research and the writing of this thesis, and I am very grateful for the opportunity to study again at Newcastle University and the School of Geography, Politics and Sociology. My particular thanks to my supervisors, Phil Daniels and Barry Gills. Their careful supervision, encouragement, support, and intellectual guidance, made the research process enjoyable and manageable. They are an outstanding team and it has been a pleasure work with them over the past three-plus years. I cannot name but must warmly acknowledge and thank the scores of individuals who were so generous of their time and who allowed me to interview them regarding the 2007-2008 financial crisis and G20-led intergovernmental response since then. I feel honoured to have been given the time and counsel of presidential and prime ministerial advisors, finance ministers, G20 sherpas, central bank governors and deputy governors, treasury and ministry of finance officials, numerous IMF executive directors, academics, and former senior policy makers. Without their frank insights and personal narratives of the events they experienced, often first-hand, this research would not have been possible. I must also thank my wife, Jean, for allowing me the space to complete this endeavour and for her tolerance of far too many discussions of the subject, the process, and the difficulties it presented. I would also thank my good friend and mentor, Alan Coe, for his advice and support throughout, and Diane Stamm for her careful eye as to style and presentation. I also must acknowledge the support of my employers, and in particular, of Geoffrey Bell, who wholeheartedly supported my decision to conduct the research for this thesis.
Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy, 2014
The extensive failures revealed by the global financial crisis have brought the reform of the existing financial regulatory architecture near to the top of the public policy agenda in Europe, the US, as well as international bodies such as the G20. Regulatory agencies in most industrialized economies have frequently been accused of having fallen 'asleep at the wheel' in the years before the crisis, and their conduct has received renewed scrutiny. However, most debates concerning the regulatory response to the crisis frequently neglect a key point: the regulation of financial markets is more than what regulators do. This insight is central to the volume written by Geoffrey P Miller and Fabrizio Cafaggi, together with Tiago Andreotti, Maciej Borowicz, Agnieszka Janczuk, Eugenia Macchiavello, and Paolo Saguato. The volume is part of a broader collaborative work investigating the mix of public and private regulation and enforcement. Among the different domains and industries, finance stands out for the extent, variety, and relevance of governance arrangements designed and administered by the same financial industry. The volume makes an important contribution to the studies of financial regulation by systematically reviewing and analyzing the diversity of these private regulation and enforcement mechanisms. Indeed, private regulatory mechanisms are to be found at a multitude of levels, starting from inside individual financial firms where internal compliance officers, internal auditors, and risk management officers perform functions that are key to the orderly functioning of financial markets. Financial industry associations gathering the key stakeholders active in a given domain also play key regulatory functions in governing some of the newest and most rapidly developing areas of financial markets, such as microfinance and derivatives, as well as in one of the most traditional areas-that is, the payment system and international accounting standards. Indeed, as the analysis of the International Swaps and Derivatives Associations (a private standard-setting body composed of the major participants in the market, for regulating credit derivatives contracts) highlights, the regulatory impact of financial industry associations is often not limited to the national sphere but also fills gaps in international regulatory architecture. These private governance arrangements, however, rarely remain completely outside of the sphere of influence of government. For example, the volume emphasizes how banking regulatory authorities that comprise the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision have come to incorporate a greater role for private regulatory mechanisms in international banking standards. The cornerstone of the international banking regulation, the Basel Agreement, relies heavily on internal modeling, processes, and risk assessments by the financial institutions that they are designed to regulate. More broadly, the domains analyzed in this book reveal a wide range of variations in the division of responsibilities between public and private actors in the process of standard setting and enforcement. What is, then, the proper allocation of regulatory authority between public and private actors? The authors take upon themselves the task of assessing the relative strengths and weaknesses of different private governance arrangements, including their legitimacy
2005
The international financial system has been the subject of much debate following the financial crises of the 1990s. While many reforms have been proposed for and implemented by mostly developing countries, few changes have been made to the international financial system itself. Fundamentally, the design, institutions, and governance of the international system remain very similar to those of two decades ago. The major changes in global financial markets, financial services industries and economies during this period, however, have rendered the international financial system and its governance of out date. In this paper, we analyse the causes and consequences of the failure to reform. We highlight the forces driving the need for changes in the governance of the international financial system, in particular the combination of the global integration processes and the increased role of the private sector. We then provide insights into the desirable institutional structure for international financial decision-making, also as it relates to the legitimacy of the international system in the eyes of the public worldwide. We also discuss the (political economy) factors inhibiting reform. We conclude with suggestions for future research.
Political Economy of International Monetary and …, 2000
The international financial architecture (IFA) literature, in contrast to the literature on the international monetary system, is concerned with micro and institutional questions. These days, it is searching for a set of best principles and practices that may lower the risk of financial crises and spillover effects. Our paper considers what role the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) may play in the new IFA. The BIS is an old, yet relatively unknown, international organization. Originally created to provide a definitive framework for German war reparations, it quickly became a central banks' club. With the end of the Bretton Woods system, the BIS lost many of its roles. But the Bank moved quickly into the field of international financial regulation and financial standards after the failure of Bankhaus Herstatt in 1974. Today the BIS, in contrast to the IMF, is an ascending institution because of its role in promulgating financial standards. We argue that a coordinated strategy to international regulation is superior to either national regulation or to an all-powerful World Financial Authority. A coordinated strategy involves setting minimum standards, through the auspices of the BIS Group. These standards will have to be adopted voluntarily by countries and will have to be enforced locally. Given the strong asymmetry of information in banking, the critical challenge of setting financial standards is in the implementation. Our implementation scheme relies on a combination of competition and dominant country position. A small group of countries has a disproportionate share of the international banking market and can exert strong leverage in inducing other countries to adopt minimum standards. There is also the need for an international organization to be a lender of last resort to those countries that, having adhered to the standards and having good fundamentals, are caught in financial turmoil through no fault of their own.
Policy and Society
Policy design, or the deliberate governmental effort to attain desired policy objectives, is an integral part of micro and macrolevel fiscal and financial regulation. This paper seeks to address the role of regime coherence and policy capacity in contributing to effective financial policy design. Drawing on the cases of the Global Financial Crisis and Asian Financial Crisis and focusing on Asian states, we assess regime capacity at both international and domestic levels. We argue that it is the integration of analytical, operational and political capacities that have contributed to the overall ability of a government regime to address and respond to crises.
The paper reviews the tenets of the intellectual consensus on how to organize the international financial system that came to crystallize at the end of the 1990s and the contestation of such a consensus in the aftermath of the subprime crisis. Illustrating the path of ideational transformation from the early 1990s till present, the paper builds on recent constructivist works in international political economy (IPE) that take economic ideas held by agents as the principal unit of analysis. In doing so, the paper brings to the surface both the substantive changes that had taken place in the principles underlying the governance of the international financial system and the dynamics of ideational change. Specifically, the paper suggests a shift away from a governance project based on the dispersion of supervisory authority and finds that new policy ideas of regulation and political centralization have all been conceived with negative reference to the past.
Since the 1990’s the global capital movements in the world economy took new direction: the previous scruples of the activity of transnational companies have disappeared. The global phenomena of market-oriented liberal economic policies swept aside the formal objection and uncertainty against international working capital flows. The general conviction was that the markets are more effective regulators than governments, parallel with the confidence that transnational companies are the most successful forms of market efficiency. Then came the crisis of 2008, and since the Lehman Brothers has felt, the governments, specialists and scholars are searching for a better equilibrium of regulation of the financial markets. I am deeply concerned that we are just at the beginning of the road towards a better or at least safer global financial market. The study is analyzing three levels of regulation of financial markets: (1) global, (2) regional and (3) national efforts made to avoid a next crisis. On the global scale, the IMF-FSB cooperation is examined, and among this the Early Warning Exercise. On the regional level the study compares the USA governmental regulation based on the Dodd Frank Act and the EU’s legal instruments on preventing the upcoming crises, basically the European System of Financial Supervision. As for the national level, a non-Eurozone member state’s current regulation is analyzed (Hungary) to show how the global and regional sources can influence a national legislation. How far the globalized market regulation may go? What indicators will show the success (or fail) of these new institutions and procedures? Is there any space for national authorities to choose a different way but the common? The study will examine the upper questions, and come to an answer that after circa 30 years of global liberalization on the financial markets it can’t be a surprise that the impacts of the crisis cannot be eliminated during some years of strictness. The study summarizes that while the “impossible trinity” is working in the financial markets, without a global (or at least European) regulatory framework the common goals are unreachable. Keywords: financial crisis, new equilibrium, financial supervision, impossible trinity JEL: G28, G32
Development Policy Review, 1999
Governing Globalization, 2002
Various mechanisms of prudential oversight over the financial system can help to make an economy more resistant to contagious financial shocks. Better and more realistic supervision of institutions is needed both in capital-importing and capital-exporting countries. This paper examines international rules for capital ratios, how far implicit and explicit guarantees undermine financial agents’ and institutions’ sense of responsibility for their own decisions, what can be done to strengthen the operation of market discipline for banks, and the need to develop deeper financial markets so that the concentration of the risks in the banking system can be diluted. Given differences in country circumstances, the focus of international cooperation should be to ensure that generally agreed principles needed to ensure strong banking systems are applied worldwide.
Global Governance, 2001
2001
Since the devastating East Asian financial crisis of 1997-99 we have seen many headlines, and the formation of numerous blue ribbon and multinational commissions, asserting the need to "reform" the world's "financial architecture," the latter phrase having replaced the more mundane "monetary and exchange rate arrangements." The purpose of this essay is to demystify some of the major reform proposals, and to understand which countries and interests back them. I suggest that the reforms proposed by a loose coalition of "financial stabilizers" make the most sense on economic efficiency grounds, but that the bargaining structure of the issue arena is such that the reforms most likely to be implemented are those of the "transparency advocates." The current debate results from a series of high profile financial crises in the 1990s. In 1992-93 troubles in Western Europe's Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM) cost the German government at l...
The debate about the current financial crisis focuses mainly on how to regulate financial markets by means of appropriate policies in order to avoid further and future crises and instabilities. This article explores a preliminary question, namely whether global finance can be really governed. Given that a pronounced imbalance exists between the power resources of national and international political institutions and those of global finance, the answer to this question is substantially negative. There are structural factors that make, on the one side, global finance ungovernable and, on the other, national government policies dependent on markets' approval. Hence, a paradigm change is required, namely a shift from regulative to limitative policies. These are public policies aimed at redistributing power resources from global finance to national governments and international institutions.
In the aftermath of the 2007-2008 worldwide crisis, it became obvious that something went wrong with liberalized financial capitalism. Financial markets and banking system collapsed and a few months later, they dragged down global economic relations within a generalized turmoil. Several questions arose along with this evolution. One of them is related to the sustainability of international monetary and financial relations. As the economies are increasingly interdependent, it does not seem to be possible to envisage a possible recovery only at a national level. An international coordination and cooperation process is an urgent prerequisite to envisage consistent recovery and stabilization policies. Financial systems play the role of a core reactor of the economic engine in market-related capitalist economies. In a globalized environment, the evolution of financial markets affects every domestic economy even when some of them are not totally integrated within international financial circuits. Even weakly financialized emerging markets are affected by the financial markets turmoil. From this perspective, a relevant alternative organization of international financial relations should regard the financial system as a public infrastructure that must be organized and supervised by a non-market institution. The same assertion holds for financial stability, the management and the supervision of which require a public organization. Stable and sustainable financial markets then require specific governance for their global regulation. This article argues that a relevant alternative global financial regulation should aim at organizing, managing and directing financial activities (markets, actors, means) towards common objectives. It maintains that the regulatory reforms designed in the aftermath of the 2007-2008 crisis do not include such alternative objectives to enable the international coordination and cooperation strengthened enough to cope with growing imbalances. A consistent reform of global financial governance might rest on a regulatory reform that would transform the finance-as-the-aim into the finance-as-the-means in the service of social development. This article adopts a holistic view and exhibits arguments in favor of a comprehensive, inclusive and developmentalist financial framework of capitalism at the international level.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2000
The financial crises of the 1990s triggered many changes to the design of the international financial system. We use the formulation of the new Basle capital accord for banks (B-II) to illustrate that, while much affected, developing countries have had very little influence on this so-called new international financial architecture. We argue that B-II has been formulated largely to serve the interests of powerful market players, with developing countries being left out. At the same time, we demonstrate that B-II is likely to raise the costs and reduce the supply of external financing for developing countries in particular. Furthermore, and importantly, B-II may well increase the pro-cyclicality of external financing, an unfortunate outcome given that developing countries already face much volatility in terms of capital flows. Overall, while B-II may indeed compensate for a range of weaknesses of Basle I, the exclusionary policy process and costs which B-II imposes on developing countries require a re-think of the way in which crucial elements of financial governance, such as the Basle capital accords, are developed and implemented.
Journal of Management Research and Analysis, 2023
The post-pandemic economy is like the Mona Lisa. Each time you look, you see something different. Following chaos in the banking industry, many analysts are now convinced the world economy is heading for a “hard-landing” recession. Few seem to expect a “no-landing” scenario, in which the economy remains untroubled by rising interest rates—a fashionable opinion just weeks ago and one which itself supplanted a common view in late 2022 that a mild recession was certain. When the banking panic struck, no one had the slightest idea what the Federal Reserve would then do with interest rates in March—some investors expected a rate rise, some no change, some a cut—and the next few meetings looked equally unpredictable. Perhaps the world is simply more volatile. In the past year, Europe has seen its biggest land war in seven decades, supply-chain snarl-ups, an energy crisis, and a period of banking turmoil. Each recession teaches us something; global financial development evolves as we manage the various recessions. In this paper, we have found out that the recession of 2007-09 and the 2023 banks run had many things in common; e.g., unemployment rose, there were mass lay-offs and similar trends were there in respect of their effect on productivity. The earlier recession spread globally, but the recent banks run was limited to the US and Credit Suisse banks. The previous recession was caused because of risky mortgages but the current banks run was caused due to liquidity problem faced by the banks which held, the so-called, highly safe but illiquid treasury bonds, which were long-term bonds issued when the inflation was lower and the interest rates were lower but when the Central Bank raised the rates, there were no purchasers to buy those bonds, as at that time government bonds were available at a very discounted rate due to high inflation. This caused liquidity problems in the banks and they were not in a position to pay the money to the depositors who en-masse applied for withdrawal, following a sentiment of distrust in them.Yet there are also deeper, structural changes at play. The first relates to covid-19 disruptions. The world lurched from crashing to soaring growth as lockdowns came and went. This has played havoc with the “seasonal adjustments” common to most economic numbers. In February the Bureau of Labour Statistics changed the factors that it applies to inflation, which makes interpreting monthly rates much more difficult. Annualized core inflation in the final quarter of 2022 “increased” from 3.1% to 4.3%. It is also harder than normal to understand euro-zone inflation. Do not be surprised if the global economy remains sfumato for a while yet. Keywords: Financial Crisis, Bank Runs, Liquidity, Financial Regulations
What has happened to scholarship on international financial regulation since the global financial crisis? This paper maps out core debates suggestive of the new intellectual terrain that emerged out of the global financial meltdown. I argue that the old-consensus in neoclassical economic theory has given way to a new mainstream institutionalist legal literature, which I term the Reformist approach. I show that this post-crisis shift of focus parallels developments in the fields of international political economy, and law and development. I argue that this Reformist literature could benefit from further engagement with what I term the “New Approaches” literature in international legal theory and in the anthropology and social studies of finance.
Millennium - Journal of International Studies, 1998
The central problematic of financial governance in developed capitalist economies is whether government regulation of financial markets and institutions enables the financial system to operate more efficiently, or alternatively obstructs or even counteracts that goal. The latter state of affairs, labeled "moral hazard" by economists, is at the heart of current debates. This chapter argues that the financial system is a key public good essential to contemporary society, and that the recent global financial crisis has opened up political questions not seriously asked since the 1970s and the arrival of the "deregulation" paradigm and the theory of rational markets, which treated financial markets and institutions as private goods. Without government rules, restrictions, and support, financial markets tend to be beset by monopolistic behavior, excessive risktaking, "herding" or "momentum," fraud, and periodic crises, thus becoming even more inefficient. In this context, the very concept of the "efficiency" of financial markets is contested too. Does it mean the efficient reallocation of capital and economic resources from investors to producers in ways that promote stable, continued, and equitable economic growth, or, alternatively, profit-making and rent-extraction for market actors and institutions? To what extent does the traditional emphasis on microprudential regulation undermine macroprudential regulation, requiring the extension and intensification of the latter? At the same time, the globalization of financial markets has made effective governance infinitely more complex, and this chapter briefly surveys 3 some core issue areas that cut across diverse levels of governance, leading to some mixed and partially effective reregulation but also much scope for interest group politicking, regulatory arbitrage, regulatory capture, and regulatory fatigue, undermining the role of the financial system as a public good. Governance of the financial issue-area therefore looks more like the entrenchment of private special interests, unequal access, neopluralism, and "coordinated capitalism," than like the deliberative, participatory, and inclusive political processes favored by theorists of "network governance."
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