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2004, International Studies Quarterly
This article seeks to explain why most Latin American countries have expanded market-oriented reforms since the 1980s despite their generally disappointing economic results. To explain deepening liberal economic reform, we test panel data for 15 Latin American countries from 1980 to 1995, using Beck and Katz' panel-corrected standard errors regression. Controlling for several competing explanations, we find that, except under fragmented party systems, high inflation promotes the expansion of economic reforms. We then show how our results are consistent with Weyland's (1996) use of prospect theory as well as work on the distributional effects of high inflation. Since the late 1980s nearly all Latin American countries have adopted marketoriented, neoliberal reforms. 1 Economic hardship caused, in part, by the previous initiation of import-substituting industrialization (ISI) policies, convinced these governments to reduce the role and size of the state in the economy. However, after more than 15 years of market-oriented reforms in the region, strong economic recovery is more the exception than the rule. Despite some disappointing economic results, Latin American governments continue to liberalize and, in fact, expand their reform programs . Many would have thought this impossible, especially when these countries operate under democratic rule, and are subject to popular protests and electoral pressures (cf. Bates and Krueger, 1993;. What accounts for the deepening of neoliberal reforms in the face of growing economic despair? The literature on economic reform provides many plausible institutional accounts on the initiation of policies that stress state-centric factors. Based initially on the insular capacity of authoritarian regimes , recent studies show the benefits of an autonomous democratic state that can shield itself from interest groups opposed, at least in the short term, to economic liberalization Mainwaring and Shugart, 1997). Despite the wealth of studies on the initiation of policies, the expansion of neoliberal reforms has received less attention. Moreover, some studies discuss the dif-1 We gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Scott Gartner, Barbara Geddes, Carlos Gervasoni, Uk Heo, Susan Stokes, and the anonymous referees at ISQ.
Do neoliberal economic reforms in Latin American democracies mobilize citizens to overcome their collective action problems and protest? A recent addition to the scholarship on this crucial question of the relationship of markets and politics, Bellinger and Arce , concludes that economic liberalization does have this effect, working to repoliticize collective actors and reinvigorate democracy. We reexamine the article's analyses and demonstrate that they misinterpret the marginal effect of the variables of theoretical interest. Thus, the article's optimistic claims about the consequences for democracy of economic liberalization in the region are not supported by its own empirical results. It is argued here that its results suggest instead that protests became more common in autocracies when they moved away from markets. Rather than speaking to how people have mobilized to protest against liberal reforms in Latin America's democracies, the work's analyses illuminate only when people protested against the region's dictatorships.
Research & Politics, 2014
Do neoliberal economic reforms in Latin American democracies mobilize citizens to overcome their collective action problems and protest? A recent addition to the scholarship on this crucial question of the relationship of markets and politics, Bellinger and Arce (2011), concludes that economic liberalization does have this effect, working to repoliticize collective actors and reinvigorate democracy. We reexamine the article's analyses and demonstrate that they misinterpret the marginal effect of the variables of theoretical interest. Thus, the article's optimistic claims about the consequences for democracy of economic liberalization in the region are not supported by its own empirical results. It is argued here that its results suggest instead that protests became more common in autocracies when they moved away from markets. Rather than speaking to how people have mobilized to protest against liberal reforms in Latin America's democracies, the work's analyses illuminate only when people protested against the region's dictatorships.
World Politics, 2007
2004
The purpose of this paper is to test the main hypotheses of the recent theoretical literature on the political economy of reform for the case of the Latin American countries between 1985 and 1995. The paper first reviews the literature and extracts the main testable hypotheses. Then, a system of indices that measure the extent of reform in five policy areas is presented. These indices are used as the dependent variables in panel regressions where the main explanatory variables are indicators of crisis, political variables and indicators of channels of contagion. We find very strong support for the well-known hypothesis that crises make reform viable and also for the (less theoretically sound) hypotheses that reforms are more likely at the beginning of government periods. None of the hypotheses on the role of political and distributional variables, the importance of compensation schemes or contagion, finds support in our results. Rather disappointingly, however, most of the reforms seem to have responded to a process of convergence. JEL classification codes: D78, D72, C52
Work. pap, 2008
In this paper we analyze the level of democracy achieved by 19 Latin American countries after 1977, in the period between the transitions from authoritarian rule and 2004. Our study shows enduring regime legacies: despite authoritarian interruptions in the past, the best predictor of the current level of democracy is the country's experience with competitive politics during the "first" (1900-44) and the "second" (1945-77) waves (and counter waves) of democratization. We document the impact of regime legacies using a fixed-effects vector decomposition model. Our finding resembles, but does not strictly confirm, theoretical claims about "path dependence" in democratization.
2009
In his book, Political Order in Changing Societies, Samuel Huntington argues that because authoritarian regimes can impose unpopular economic and or social reforms within their countries without fear of being voted out of office, they have a political governance advantage over democratic regimes. So if Huntington’s observations about authoritarian governance are accurate, could one conclude that authoritarianism can provide the foundation for the market reforms and economic growth that will lead to a reduction in poverty and income inequality? To answer this question this paper will utilize a mixture of quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis. The World Bank’s economic growth data for 18 developing countries in Latin America is used in a quantitative analysis to compare the economic growth from 1960 to 2000 that was experienced by Latin American nations that were governed by authoritarian regimes for at least 10 years, against other Latin American democracies which did not have authoritarian governments in power for at least a decade. The empirical analysis will then compare and contrast changes in economic growth and their cause in Argentina, Peru and Chile. Authoritarianism (as demonstrated in Chile) can provide the necessary foundations upon which enduring democratic institutions can be built provided it is used to implement free market economic reforms and to build an institutional infrastructure (judiciary and regulatory) that will sustain and protect them.
2003
This paper explores the link between economic reforms and elections results in Latin America. We draw from prospect theory and propensity toward risk the hypothesis to be tested empirically. To support the hypothesis we first study the evolution of the party systems in Latin America, finding a swing in several countries, where in the middle of last decade the system was more fragmented or more polarized. We also use panel data analysis to study electoral behaviors finding that reforms were supported but in a diminishing way, as explained by prospect theory.
2010
In this paper we analyze the level of democracy achieved by 19 Latin American countries after 1977, in the period between the transitions from authoritarian rule and 2004. Our study shows enduring regime legacies: we create novel indicators to show that democratic and authoritarian trajectories are institutionalized through political parties. Despite authoritarian interruptions in the past, one of the best predictors of the current level of democracy is the country's experience with competitive politics during the "first" (1900-44) and the "second" (1945-77) waves (and counter waves) of democratization. We document the impact of regime legacies using a fixedeffects vector decomposition model. Our finding modifies theoretical claims about "path dependence" in democratization and leads us to the concept of institutional reproduction as a the causal mechanism underpinning regime legacies.
Political Studies, 1992
Although some conventional liberal democratic regimes are likely to become consolidated in Latin America, the dominant pattern is better understood as 'democracy by default', and in a few cases little more than 'facade democracy' is to be expected. This paper reviews the major factors accounting for the fragility, instability and policy ineffectiveness of many of these new regimes. Although current fiscal crises lend some plausibility to the 'neo-liberal' analyses of democratization, the paper argues that in the longer run consolidated democracies will tend to develop a range of 'social democratic', participatory and interventionist features that are at variance with the neo-liberal model. Latin American nation-states are relatively well integrated and contain a stock of human and social resources that should favour constitutional outcomes, so that although many of these new democracies will remain provisional and incomplete for the time being, they possess the potential for subsequent extension and entrenchment.
American Journal of Political Science, 2007
Existing approaches to the study of economic reform have focused on the mobilization of special interests that oppose liberalization and have tended to assume that reform dynamics follow a similar logic across distinct policy arenas. Analysis of the dynamics of capital account and trade liberalization in 19 Latin American countries between 1985 and 1999 demonstrates otherwise. Movement toward liberalization is shaped systematically by the timing and salience of each reform's distributional costs and partisan political dynamics. In turn, the timing and magnitude of costs are mediated by the economic context, while salience depends on the informational environment. Our findings thus differ from the conventional wisdom on several scores, particularly by emphasizing the ways in which good rather than bad economic conditions can facilitate reforms, the conditionality of legislative politics of reform enactment on whether reforms are characterized by ex ante conflict or fears of ex post blame, and how the type of reform shapes its political dynamics.
Policy Studies Journal, 2013
This article reviews major decision-making models with an emphasis on basic theoretical perspectives as well as on how these models explain foreign policy decision making and national and international security decisions. Furthermore, we examine how these models have been utilized in explanations of various international crises. Specifically, for each model, we present examples drawn from the literature on applications of the respective model to foreign policy and national security decisions. The theories we have reviewed are as follows: rational choice, cybernetic model, prospect theory, poliheuristic theory, organizational and bureaucratic politics, groupthink and polythink, and analogical reasoning. We also review the Applied Decision Analysis method, and the concept of biases in decision making.
Dados, 2015
Embora um importante esforço venha sendo empreendido com o intuito de estabelecer a institucionalização de sistemas partidários como uma dimensão crítica, as implicações políticas concretas dessa institucionalização têm recebido relativamente pouca atenção da academia. Pouco se sabe, por exemplo, sobre as formas através das quais ela promove a consistência programática de governos. Este artigo contribui para este debate investigando um fenômeno característico da política latino-americana - mudanças programáticas empreendidas por presidentes de esquerda empossados em meio a ataques especulativos - e examinando de que forma níveis de institucionalização afetam a probabilidade de que essas mudanças ocorram. Os resultados mostram que, deparados com fortes pressões especulativas, presidentes de esquerda tendem a abandonar suas promessas de campanha em favor de uma agenda econômica conservadora. Ao contrário do esperado, no entanto, essas mudanças ocorrem mais frequentemente em sistemas p...
PRIF Working Paper, 2020
This PRIF Working Paper reviews and discusses the scholarship on the political economy of macroeconomic stabilization and neoliberal structural adjustment, focusing on Latin American experiences during the 1980s and early 1990s. It discusses controversies, arguments and findings on a couple of key issues: the role of regime type (democratic versus authoritarian) for the adoption and implementation of economic reforms; the interplay of economic reform struggles and processes of political transformation; the relevance of international forces and factors; the role of domestic structures and actors; the dynamics of international negotiations over economic reforms; as well as the causes, characteristics and consequences of "IMF riots" and "austerity protests". The aim of the paper is not to present a coherent set of findings but rather to give an overview of a literature that has produced a diverse range of insights, ideas and open questions that are helpful to take into consideration when studying contemporary dynamics of economic reform struggles.
Previous empirical studies have found that the institutions and policies of democracies are generally more supportive of economic freedom than authoritarian political regimes. This paper employs a new dataset by to examine the impact of transitions to democracy on economic freedom. The dataset identifies 48 political transitions from authoritarianism to democracy since the mid-1970s, for which the data on economic freedom are available. Both cross-sectional and panel data analyses are employed to examine these transitions within the framework of fixed-and random effects models. The results indicate that transitions to democracy are associated with subsequent increases in economic liberalization as measured by changes in the Economic Freedom of the World index. Moreover, the economic liberalization appears to follow the path of an inverted U, ascending for approximately 10 years after the democratic transition, but receding thereafter. There was also evidence that stable (long-term) democracies achieved larger increases in economic freedom than authoritarian regimes, while unstable democratic transitions adversely affected economic liberalization.
Stavanger, Norway: School of Economics, University of Stavanger. Mimeo, 2002
The rapid increase in the number of open developing countries has recently caused a proliferation of arguments concerning the determinants of foreign economic liberalization. In this emerging debate, explanations stressing the importance of economic crises, interest-group competition, international financial institutions, and the increase in political participation can be distinguished. We add a fifth explanation and suggest a model that links foreign economic liberalization to government fragmentation in autocratic countries. The 'trilemma of the protectionist autocrat' describes a situation in which the dominant protectionist fraction in government cannot reach the three goals of high rental income, maintaining a protectionist policy and appeasing the dominated, more liberal faction simultaneously. A twostage non-cooperative game is developed to show that government fractionalization makes foreign economic liberalization more likely. Since an increase in political conflict between the dominant and the dominated faction increases the likelihood of a revolution, the dominant faction might use policy concessions to stabilize the government. We test this claim with a Cox continuous time survival model with time-dependent covariates. The results suggest in line with our model that economic crises and government fractionalization increase the likelihood of foreign economic opening, while lending by international financial institutions and democratization do not exert a systematic influence.
Existing approaches to the study of economic reform have focused on the mobilization of special interests that oppose liberalization and have tended to assume that reform dynamics follow a similar logic across distinct policy arenas. Analysis of the dynamics of capital account and trade liberalization in 19 Latin American countries between 1985 and 1999 demonstrates otherwise. Movement toward liberalization is shaped systematically by the timing and salience of each reform's distributional costs and partisan political dynamics. In turn, the timing and magnitude of costs are mediated by the economic context, while salience depends on the informational environment. Our findings thus differ from the conventional wisdom on several scores, particularly by emphasizing the ways in which good rather than bad economic conditions can facilitate reforms, the conditionality of legislative politics of reform enactment on whether reforms are characterized by ex ante conflict or fears of ex post blame, and how the type of reform shapes its political dynamics.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2007
Why high levels of market liberalization can be supported by both repressive and liberal political regimes? Drawing from Acemoglu and Robinson (2006), we use a large dataset of world economies and document the existence of a U-shaped relationship between political and economic liberalization. This functional form explains the ongoing dynamics in the relationship between democratization and economic liberalization in the light of the political calculus that incumbent gvernments make when are confronted with policy decisions.
1993
she was a Visiting Fellow at the Kellogg Institute. After being the last to join the wave of democratic transitions in the 1980s, Chile is posing intriguing questions for those interested in understanding the present phase of democratic consolidation, not least because of the country’s economic accomplishments. This paper suggests that the future of Chile’s distinctive transition may be nearer the democratic pole than other “hybrid ” democratic-authoritarian regimes that emerged in Latin America in the past decade. The performance of technocratic roles may result in less authoritarian styles of policy-making, due to a unique pattern of interaction between economic and political elites, aided by favorable economic conditions and the legacy of Chile’s democratic traditions. RESUMEN Habiendo sido el último en unirse a la ola de transiciones democráticas de la década de los ochentas, Chile plantea preguntas intrigantes a aquéllos que están interesados en entender la fase actual de conso...
Latin American Research Review, 2010
Revista de Economia Política, 2007
The second phase of Import Substituting Industrialization, commonly known as ISI2, involved the move in Latin America to "heavy" industrialization, from around 1950-80. This period of economic history has been reviled on both the Left and the Right as being one of either heightened dependency or one demonstrating the clear failure of state intervention in the economy. In this research note, a basic statistical analysis is used to back up other descriptive claims that the ISI2 period was rather one of mixed success, with macroeconomic volatility accompanying great progress in GDP and manufacturing growth. In a sense, the ISI2 period succeeded in industrializing the large economies of the period, and contrasts favorably with the record of the succeeding paradigm of neoliberalism. This research note seeks to raise questions about the way we look at the historical period of ISI2, and suggests that a more open-minded perspective could lead to a more effective and sustainable political economy paradigm for the region in the future.
International Studies Quarterly, 2012
Revista Internacional de Sociología, 2009
The economic crisis of the beginning of this century in Latin America has questioned that a neo-liberal kind of populism may solve the puzzle of how to implement pro-market economic reforms by democratic regimes in less developed countries. Populism is both prone to corruption and incompatible with the necessary institutional reforms (the "second generation" reforms) complementing the economic reforms. Non-populist politicians may not have this handicap, but they could not overcome the labor resistance to their pro-market reforms either. Still, under certain conditions, democratic politicians can implement these reforms without suffering from the costs of populism.
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