The Changing Face of the Enemy in Fascist Italy

Annali d'Italianistica 41 , 2023

In the following article we will illustrate some of the most actual and fertile tendencies in the study of Italian fascism and of its relationship to culture. We will start off from the viewpoint that fascism in Italy succeeded in obtaining a high degree of popular support. Following Renzo De Felice, it could be argued that mass consenso (consensus) was crucial to Mussolini’s survival. Presenting itself as the only choice for the new Italy, fascism did thus in a very real sense reach a certain degree of –albeit unstable- gramscian egemonia (hegemony). The latter was in its turn the consequence not only of the use of force, but also of a careful orchestration of public life and, on a higher level, of aesthetics, of culture. Hence, in a second part of our study, we will turn to some of the most interesting, so-called ‘culturalist’, studies of fascist, mostly visual, culture. We will conclude with an analysis of Italian fascism as a form of secular myth, as a political religion in which the mentioned fascist aesthetics also played a crucial role.

1999

Espacio Tiempo Y Educacion, 2015

This article, through a 'case study' of essays and textbooks for primary school teachers published in Brescia, a town in Northern Italy, would provide a contribution to the reconstruction of a national history's page (not yet completely studied and known), in which all intellectuals -although restrained in what they could say under a dictatorial regime -had to choose if they would provide a cultural contribution to an ideology that all democracies born in Europe after the Second World War would strongly reject and condemn. By adopting a research method intended to combine the history of the education system with political, cultural and social history, the reading of these texts offers a glimpse of the multifaceted cultural environment within which racist legislation was born and implemented in Italy. These authors demonstrate, at different degrees and levels, how their writings helped to spread the racist ideology of the regime. This page of the history of Italian racism and anti-Semitism, resulting in the end in concentration and death camps and extermination, shows us how words and ideas can become, once disseminated and assimilated, facts justifying the killing of innocent people. Resumen: Este artículo, a través de un 'estudio de caso' sobre ensayos y libros de texto para los maestros de escuelas primarias publicados en Brescia, una ciudad en el Norte de Italia, proporciona una contribución a la reconstrucción de una fase de una historia nacional (que todavía no se ha estudiado y no se conoce por completo), en la que todos los intelectuales -aunque condicionados por el régimen dictatorial -tuvieron que elegir si quieren proporcionar un aporte cultural a una ideología que todas las democracias nacidas en Europa después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial rechazaban y condenaban enérgicamente. Mediante la adopción de un método de investigación que combina la historia del sistema educativo con la historia política, cultural y social, la lectura de estos textos ofrece una visión del entorno cultural multifacético en el que la legislación racista nació y se implementó en Italia. Estos autores demuestran, en diferentes grados y niveles, cómo sus escritos ayudaron a difundir la ideología racista del régimen. Esta página de la historia del racismo italiano y el antisemitismo, lo que resulta en los campos de exterminio y de concentración, nos muestra cómo las palabras y las ideas pueden llegar a ser, una vez difundidas y asimiladas, hechos que justifican la matanza de personas inocentes.

This paper delves into Giovanni Gentile's philosophical doctrine and its profound impact on the conception of individual identity within the Fascist state. It explores Gentile's unique blend of Actual Idealism and Mazzinian nationalism, providing insights into the intricate relationship between individual and collective identities in fascist ideology. The study begins with a historical overview of Gentile's life and his philosophical journey, highlighting his critical stance against Marxism and his development of Actual Idealism. Central to Gentile's philosophy is the idea that the State is fundamentally intertwined with individual consciousness. This notion is examined through Gentile's critique of traditional liberal thought, contrasting it with his own interpretation where the collective replaces the individual. The paper further discusses Gentile's views on the role of education and the state as an ethical entity in Fascist Italy, emphasizing how education served as a tool for disseminating fascist ideology and molding individuals into embodiments of the state's ideals. Gentile's arguments, particularly his reinterpretation of liberalism and emphasis on the state's supremacy, provide a critical perspective on the potential pitfalls of extreme nationalist ideologies. His philosophy highlights the tension between individual freedom and collective duty, a dichotomy that remains relevant in contemporary political discourse. The paper concludes by underscoring the importance of maintaining a balance between individual liberties and the collective good. This theme resonates in modern discussions about the role of education in society. While acknowledging Gentile's influence in shaping Fascist Italy's ideologies, the study also serves as a cautionary tale about the dangers of allowing the state to subsume individual identity, thereby preserving personal freedoms and the diversity of ideas essential to a dynamic and democratic society.

Fast Capitalism, 2005

which the political movement was based) which was expressed in the symbolic and aesthetic realm; its symbolism and art however is seen as having been rooted in material, historical specificity. This paper will therefore trace its understanding of spectacle to Guy Debord's (1995) ideas on the concept, and, following Walter Benjamin (1999), will argue for a consideration of fascist politics as an aesthetic politics which was nevertheless deeply embedded in ideology and the historical geography of a particular period and place. We also argue that while analysis of Italian fascism may distil salient defining characteristics which may be applicable to 'fascist' regimes elsewhere and in different historical periods, and may help to understand these regimes' use of ideology and discourse, nonetheless this analysis remains rooted in a critical consideration of Italian fascism and wary of comparative approaches. Thus, while the work of and Mouffe (1985, 1987) are utilised because of their broadening of our understanding of the concept of hegemony, central to an understanding of authoritarian regimes worldwide, this paper is cautious of extending its scope to an offering of comparative linkages. As Laclau himself noted (in Beasley-Murray 1998), his theorizations on hegemony were generated from a consideration of the historical-geographical specificities of Peronism in Argentina. One may posit the same observation with regards to Gramsci and his situatedness in a position of opposition in fascist Italy. The position of this paper regarding fascism and its national context in Italy can be related to Mark idea of an "irreducible specificity of meanings", whereby ideas and words are political and cannot be read apart from their contexts. When Gramsci talks about hegemony, he is talking about a concept. When he talks about fascism, he is talking about Italian fascism.

2003

Modern Italy