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2019, Pushkin Review
https://doi.org/10.1353/pnr.2019.0005…
22 pages
1 file
The image of Pushkin's shining white teeth occupies an important place in the Russian cultural imagination (Veresaev, Tynianov, Tsvetaeva, Mandelstam, etc.). In his recollections about Pushkin, one of his acquaintances noted that the poet took special care of his teeth. This was an attempt to look like Lord Byron, whom he adored and meticulously imitated at that time. This article demonstrates that in European culture of the nineteenth century, Byron's teeth served as a synecdoche of the ideal Romantic body. Teeth were a telling feature of his iconic image, along with his Greek handsomeness, curly hair, long neck, small arms, proverbial lameness, asymmetrical eyes and the three wrinkles crossing his high forehead. In this cultural context, Byron's physical appearance manifested for Pushkin the Romantic conflict between light and darkness, body and soul-a conflict that was literally embodied in the English poet's controversial figure. The article argues that it is in this spiritual-odontological sense that Pushkin brushed his teeth à la Lord Byron. In other words, to become the Pushkin whom we know, the young poet tried to become Byron in flesh and spirit.
Comparative Literature, 2022
Lord Byron's Reputation in Russia's literary imagination might surprise those who remember him not only as a multifaceted poet or political commentator, but also as a sexual libertine. As Monika Greenleaf has put it, "only in Russia was Byron read the way he wished, not as a shocking and perhaps puerile immoralist, a self-obsessed Romantic egotist, but as a serious political revolutionary whose words and actions carried real danger to the political status quo" ("Pushkin's Byronic" 387). Following his death in Greece, the tempestuous Byron came to stand for both freedom and romanticism in Russia, especially for the poets who would become associated with the Decembrist Uprising, a failed attempt by liberal nobles to reform the absolutist state by military coup in 1825. 1 Perhaps even more importantly, he also became identified with the primary candidate for the role of Russia's national poet: Alexander Pushkin. Pushkin, who had by his own account "gone mad for Byron" when he first encountered this poet in the early 1820s, deliberately fashioned not only his poetry, but also his style of living, dress, and even his practice of personal hygiene in the English poet's image. 2 In particular, Pushkin's reworkings of Byron's Turkish Tales in a Russian imperial context as Southern Poems proved tremendously influential in Russia, and went on to become the foundation of Byron's reputation there. These poems played an instrumental role in recreating Byron as an emblem for Russia's "freedom-loving poets"-those who belonged to the various secret societies we now call "Decembrist," as well as those associated with them. Though much has been written about Byron's influence on Russian culture, and on Pushkin's "Byronic apprenticeship" in particular, this article focuses on how Pushkin's responses to the English poet led him to depart from — and even conflict with -- a specifically political version of Byronism promoted by his contemporaries.
2007
's impact on Russian writing and thought have often becon1e bogged down in considerations of what John Mersereau calls "the problems of one author's influence upon another"l: in this case the English poet's effect on individual Russian writers and the effect of his poems on individual Russian productions. The works concerned being (for example) Childe Harold~ Pilgrimage and Don Juan on the one hand and Eugene Onegin and A Hero of Our Time on the other, this stress is by no means surprising. But it is limiting, and it has tended to produce sterile debates about precisely when and where Byron's influence over Pushkin in particular or Russsian literature in general may be said to begin and end. The Pushkin case has been visited and revisited many times. Georgette Donchin speaks of Pushkin's "brief Byronic period," for example, and the "purely literary attraction of Byronism" for the Russian national poet? Tatiana Wolff speaks similarly of Pushkin's "Byronic phase" and of the Englishman being"a bridge rather than a terminus" for the Russian. 3 Lauren G. Leighton argues that Pushkin "swiftly mastered and surpassed all that he could learn from Byron, and began doing profound things with what he learned from Shakespeare." Pushkin's "understanding of history," according to William Edward Brown, "is utterly foreign to Byron," the English poet's achievements were points of departure rather than sources of imitation for the Rus-* See DOI1 Juan, canto VI, stanza 93.
Tragic Encounters: Pushkin and European Romanticism, 2023
Literary scholars largely agree that the Romantic period altered the definition of tragedy, but they have confined their analyses to Western European authors. Maksim Hanukai introduces a new, illuminating figure to this narrative, arguing that Russia’s national poet, Alexander Pushkin, can be understood as a tragic Romantic poet, although in a different mold than his Western counterparts. Many of Pushkin’s works move seamlessly between the closed world of traditional tragedy and the open world of Romantic tragic drama, and yet they follow neither the cathartic program prescribed by Aristotle nor the redemptive mythologies of the Romantics. Instead, the idiosyncratic and artistically mercurial Pushkin seized upon the newly unstable tragic mode to develop multiple, overlapping tragic visions. Providing new, innovative readings of such masterpieces as The Gypsies, Boris Godunov, The Little Tragedies, and The Bronze Horseman, Hanukai sheds light on an unexplored aspect of Pushkin’s work, while also challenging reigning theories about the fate of tragedy in the Romantic period.
2018
The article investigates various facets of George Gordon Byron’s influence on Nikolay Nekrasov. Traditionally, scholars have viewed these two poets as antipodes, belonging to different literary movements, Nekrasov to Realism and Byron to Romanticism. However, an analysis demonstrates that the themes and problematics of Byron’s poetry, as well as the classic Byronic hero and motifs, remained relevant to Nekrasov throughout his entire literary career, beginning with his early collection Mechty i zvuki (1840), up to his poem Komu na Rusi zhit’ khorosho (1877). Particularly the latter’s structure was influenced by the structure of Byron’s long poems.
2011
This thesis is the first extensive study devoted to the generic originality of Iurii Tynianov’s representation of Pushkin in his two historical novels, Pushkin (1935-1943) and the abandoned The Gannibals (1932). Chapter 1 contextualises Tynianov’s contribution to the current debates on the novel’s demise, ‘large’ form and the worthy protagonist. The conditions giving rise to contemporary interest in the genres of biography and the historical novel are deliniated and the critical issues surrounding these are examined; Tynianov’s concern to secularise the rigid monolith of an all but sanctified ‘state-sponsored Pushkin’ and the difficulties of the task are also reviewed. Chapter 2 shifts the examination of Pushkin as a historical novel to its study within the generic framework of the Bildungs, Erziehungs and Künstlerromane with their particular problematics which allowed Tynianov to grapple with a cluster of moral, philosophical and educational issues, and to explore the formative influences on the protagonist’s identity as a poet. Chapter 3 explores the concept of history underlying Tynianov’s interpretation of the characters and events and the historiographical practices he employed in his analyses of the factors that shaped Pushkin’s own historical thinking. Chapter 4 investigates Tynianov’s scepticism about Abram Gannibal’s and A. Pushkin’s mythopoeia which reveals itself in Tynianov’s subversively ironical and playful use of myth in both novels. The Conclusion assesses Tynianov’s contribution to the 20th century fictional Pushkiniana and reflects on his innovative transgeneric historical novel which broke the normative restrictions of the genre, elevated it to the level of ‘serious’ literature and made it conducive to stylistic experimentation.
2008
This thesis will examine how the concepts of gender and nation were inextricably linked for Byron, and how this is demonstrated in his poetry through strategies of gendered embodiment. Byron’s complex relationship with and attitudes towards women displays an ambivalence that characterises his representations of England, due to his perception of the British body politic as a “gynocrasy.” This ambivalence was further exacerbated by Byron’s conception of his own masculinity as one in flux. His literary professionalisation and his status as an outmoded aristocrat contributed to these anxieties regarding his masculine subjectivity. Byron’s poetic fame was particularly influenced by the growing importance of women as readers, writers and arbiters of literary taste in early nineteenth century England. The first chapter will explore Byron’s anxiety about this increased influence of women as competitors and consumers in the literary marketplace, and how this threat manifests in his monstrous configurations of the female body and the body politic in his poetry. Chapter 2 investigates the tensions between Byron’s cosmopolitanism and patriotism in the context of his masculine subjectivity and demonstrates how these tensions shaped Byron’s first commercially successful work Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage. This chapter also examines how Byron uses this masculine subjectivity in his Turkish Tales in order to assert the authority of his opinions on female sexuality and freedom over those expressed in female-authored works with similarly "exotic" themes. Chapter 3 addresses the post-exilic Byron and how his estrangement from England destabilises his conceptions of subjectivity and influences the poetics of the third canto of CHP. This chapter then goes on to track Byron’s recovery from this disintegration and traces how Byron’s poetic voice takes a new direction in his depictions of gender and nation. He begins to depend more heavily on allegory as a strategy of displacement for his feelings of nostalgia and homesickness and in order to place himself in a national literary tradition, as illustrated in his treatments of women and nation in Don Juan. The fourth and final chapter explores Byron’s feelings towards the domestic and commercial worlds both of which he held as bastions of female authority. Byron examines the ramifications of female influence through the heroines who use sexuality as an assertion of this power against a hapless Juan. This chapter will examine his poem The Island and the poems written just before his death in Greece to demonstrate conclusively how Byron’s struggles to recover his masculine subjectivity are persistently staged as contestations of space.
A study of Ivan Turgenev's 'Fathers and Sons,' focusing on the nihilistic character Bazarov. The essay attempts to trace the character's roots to European Byronism and the Byronic hero. Written to fulfill the requirements of English 414: Special Topics in Romantic Literature-Byron and the Byronic Hero.
The Byron Journal, 2010
The Journal of Literature and Science, 2008
In Canto I of Byron's frequently bawdy epic Don Juan, following several stanzas about Wordsworth's poetic "transports" and Coleridge's lofty metaphysical speculations, we find our pubescent hero, gentle Juan, strolling pensively by "glassy brooks" and through "leafy nooks"-those parts of the natural world where "poets find materials for their books"-in an attempt to deal with his building sexual desire for Donna Julia (90). 1 The Byronic narrator depicts young Juan as lost in typically Romantic, abstract contemplation of "himself, and the whole earth, / Of man the wonderful, and of the stars," sublimely wondering "How many miles the moon might have in girth," and musing on the flight of "air balloons" (92): He poured upon the leaves, and on the flowers, And heard a voice in all the winds; and then He thought of wood-nymphs and immortal bowers, And how the goddesses came down to men: He missed the pathway, he forgot the hours, And when he looked upon his watch again, He found how much old Time had been a winner-He also found that he had lost his dinner. (94) One possible interpretation of the punch line of this episode is that since, as the narrator tells us earlier, "no one likes to be disturbed at meals / Or love" (89), Byron is suggesting that it is the body that yields the real satisfactions in life and not the metaphysical meanderings and eroticized, but wholly imaginative, communions with a surrogate lover found in nature. By condemning the tendency he sees among first generation Romantic poets to neglect the fundamental claims of the body, like shelter, warmth, and here, sex and food, Byron is making a comic argument in favor of the ultimate priority of these elemental, biological needs: if you attempt to spiritualize your desire too much, you go hungry and sexually unsatisfied. Although according to one critic, this scene is designed to show that it is "unprofitable in the midst of the spiritual and poetic to forget the physical", Byron may also be demonstrating that purely imaginative indulgence, if possible at all, requires that one ignores the otherwise persistent realities of bodily existence, which, as we will see, poses a significant and far less humorous problem for Byron than what he presents here. 2 The pensive, philosophical, poetic mind, possessed of "Longings sublime, and aspirations high" (93), must be cut off from its own real source of desire in the body: in this instance, the desire for sex qua sex. The narrator, in his typically 1 Unless otherwise noted, all quotations from Byron's poetry are taken from Byron: The Complete
Wiener Slawisticher Almanach, 2008
This article proposes a new reading, through the prism of Yuri Tynianov's unfinished novel Pushkin, of the aesthetics of the early and late Tynianov, and puts forward the idea of an epistemological shift. By looking in particular at the question of the centrality of the Pushkin myth to Tynianov's theoretical and artistic oeuvre in the light of the Formalist project and its legacy, Tynianov's understanding of literary evolution and the concept of the prelogical is reexamined. Tynianov's concept of the prelogical, as discussed below, is linked in Pushkin to exploration of the pre-symbolic order and to interrelation between visual and verbal signs that was exemplified by Pushkin's artistic psychology. It is clear that primitive thinking informs Tynianov's theoretical investigations as reflected in his last novel, yet the question remains: should we read Tynianov's insistence on the importance of prelogical thought as politically and artistically regressive, or as an attempt to furnish the evolutionary literary model with a new way to link prelogical thought with dialectics? To this end, this article treats Sergei Eisenstein's enthusiastic response to Tynianov's novel as a perceptive reading of its subtexts and neo-Romantic sensibility that is close to Eisenstein's own aesthetic aspirations of the 1930s-40s. Eisenstein's reading of Pushkin as a narrative imbued with the protoplasmatic vision of evolution that foregrounds the image of the national poet as young, androgynous and infantile, competing with several father-like figures, helps us understand Tynianov's semiveiled call for the revival of a prenatal undifferentiated state of nature that is mediated through its opposite, namely analytical and progressive thought. Tynianov, like Eisenstein, seems to employ metaphors of biological time in relation to history presenting the tension between progressive and regressive tendencies as something that allows for a radical breakthrough in the spheres of subjective consciousness and of artistic creativity, as well as in public life. 1 Despite some perception that "scholarship about Pushkin as cultural myth began to appear in the 1980s" 2 , we should not overlook Tynianov's 1922 article "The Illusionary Pushkin" ("Mnimyi Pushkin") which was published in the Soviet Union for the first time only in 1977. Tynianov's article not only challenged the view of Pushkin as the founder of Russian national culture and as the public figure epitomised in Apollon Grigor'ev's words "Pushkin is our everything" (1859), but it also criticised the cult of Pushkin that had been largely shaped by Russian symbolist, religious and philosophical abstract thinking. And more importantly, possibly in anticipation of attempts to canonise Pushkin in the Soviet political context, Tynianov's article warned against the growing fetishism in literary studies related to Pushkin. With the meticulous precision and positivist bent that was the hallmark of his scholarship, Tynianov in "The Illusionary Pushkin" distinguished between on the one hand the popular efforts to make Pushkin fit the artistic and ideological goals found in journalism or philosophical discourses on literature, and on the other hand the representation of Pushkin's life and works in Soviet literary studies. For Tynianov, to fall in step with the motto "Accept Pushkin and everything else will fall into its place!" ("Primite Pushkina, ostal'noe prilozhitsia") did not undermine Pushkin provided that the discursive framework governing Pushkin's suitability for any specific purpose accepted literature as an object for linguistic games and playful philosophical exercises. As Tynianov put it, "While the trend to make Pushkin suitable for any fashionable needs remains within the framework of general
2013
is the mysterious link connecting the great Slavic literature with the literature of the West" 1. These surprising and unusual words were spoken by the greatest Polish poet, Adam Mickiewicz, on 20 December 1842 at the Collège de France in Paris. On 20 December 1842 Mickiewicz, a Romantic and the most important of Polish poets, the man who expressed the Polish mentality the most fully, was in his third year of lecturing in Paris and was trying to introduce the Western cultural elite to the Slavic world: he outlined the history, the literature, and the unique character of the Slavs. He spoke not only about Polish or Czech culture, but also about the Southern Slavs and about Russia, a country on which he was a great expert, not onlya paradoxas a tsarist prisoner but also as a friend of many Russians and a poet loved by the Russian intelligentsia of his time (but that's just by the way). It also needs adding that today Mickiewicz's lectures at the Collège de France are considered to be the sum and synthesis of Polish Romanticism. It was in the third lecture of the third year of the Slavic literature course, when Mickiewicz was discussing "how Slavic poets, men of letters, writers understand their mission and their duties" 2 , that those extraordinary words were spoken about the mysterious relations between the spirit of contemporary Slavic poets and the spirit of Byron. What is the real significance of identifying such a connection between Byron and Slavic poets? What is the meaning of the words: "Byron is the mysterious link connecting the great Slavic literature with the literature of the West"? How was establishing such a connection between Byron and Slavic poets possible? What is its essence? 1 All documentation refers to the original texts in Polish. The cited fragments have been translated into English by Joanna Dutkiewicz who also translated the present paper. Mickiewicz (1997: 33). 2 Ibidem, p. 25.
2014
"This methodical and instructional monograph on Lord Byron and armenology does not limit the discourse within these two topics. Such a strategy would be detrimental factor to the subject matter presented here. In order to make this oeuvre meaningful a drastically arduous modus operandi must have been formulated to demonstrate armenology through Byronic mindset of approach to an endevour of re-writing an essay. For didactic reasons most of the English text of different writers were translated into Armenian, then they were all translated back into English from Armenian — like a XXI century palimpsest (παλίμψηστος). This is how Lord Byron would have done this task as an armenologist! Regrettably though justly, the title of the 'Father of Armenology' has been always reserved for St. Mesrop Mashtots. No one can be the father of armenology but an Armenian. Lord Byron was a master in Armenian studies, and the main force behind armenology to be propagated amongst European academics. Armenology consists of four main phases: Ա պարբերաշրջան) from V Century to early XVIII century; Բ պարբերաշրջան) from early XVIII century to the late XIX century; Գ պարբերաշրջան) from late XIX century to early XX century, and Դ պարբերաշրջան) from early XX to the present day. Lord Byron was studying its phase Ա from V century to early XVIII century. This was a serious undertaking for Byron, and it must have been a real devotion and love towards Armenian. Passages in Armenian are used throughout the text is a reminder, that Armenian studies cannot exist without Armenian. The chronological boarders for this oeuvre are 1788-1824. The main emphasis will be the period between the years of 1816 and 1824. This was a period in Byron’s life, when romantic poetry disappeared and it was replaced with the Armenian language, literature, history and music. Byron as a poet is left for others to discuss. Throughout the monograph Byron is looked at through a different lens to discover Byron as a man. Unfortunately, during recent decades so many biographies had fabricated and published numerous biographies on Byron, that the real Byron was lost in the vast quantity of babble. Byron became nothing but a commercial tool for publishers, who have tailored their own “Byron” to be marketed towards the reader’s “moral” and religion. This was mainly due to the conspiracy of “paper business” and publishing “standards“ which have created the most evil censorship machine ever. However, time changed everything. On one hand, this monograph will ruthlessly ignore each and every “standard” which was established and shamelessly maintained by men for hundreds of years either for the sake of public’s “moral” or defence of the “Christian values.” Byron deserves finally to be presented in his real colours, something that almost all Byron biographers have intentionally ignored partly due to their own ignorance in man’s psychology, especially when it comes to a homosexual man, who is in exile, disguised as Child Harold. On the other hand, this monograph will emphasize on armenology, where Byron found his own solitude. The essence of this monograph and its subject matter is not how others were possessed and captivated by Byron, or his gift of poetry, but rather the fact how Byron was haunted by Armenia, the Armenians, their language, literature, religion, culture etc. Throughout the text of this monograph Armenian, English, French, Greek and Russian languages are used. Most armenologists speak at least 5 languages. Lord Byron himself spoke Armenian, English, French, Greek and Latin. This is a standard phenomenon. However, the architectonics of the monograph allows the reader to block or disregard non-English text; the contextual relationship to the subject matter just in English will not be measured by the disturbed readers ignorance. The English text just by itself is an idiot proof discourse! Passages in Armenian are used throughout the text as a reminder, that Armenian studies cannot exist without Armenian. What would be the reason of compiling a monograph on Lord Byron and Armenology without Armenian? Therefore, “if the poet’s body belongs to England, and his heart — to Greece, then you, Armenians, inherit the purest element — a portion of his soul since his solidarity, peace and intimate love remains with You!” (Չ. Գամմել, անգլիացի բանաստեղծ). Human collective mind and effort is always victorious! This will be proven on every line of this essay. "
European Romantic Review, 2011
2012
Author of the most influential long poem of its era (Childe Harold's Pilgrimage) and the funniest long poem in European literature (Don Juan), Lord Byron was also the literary superstar of Romanticism, whose effect on nineteenth-century writers, artists, musicians and politiciansbut also everyday readers-was second to none. His poems seduced and scandalized readers, and his life and legend were correspondingly magnetic, given added force by his early death in the Greek War of Independence. This introduction compresses his extraordinary life to manageable proportions, and gives readers a firm set of contexts in the politics, warfare and Romantic ideology of Byron's era. It offers a guide to the main themes in his wide-ranging oeuvre, from the early poems that made him famous (and infamous) overnight, to his narrative tales, dramas and the comic epic left incomplete at his death.
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