EU–Russia relations: Between conflict and cooperation

Reshaping the European Union internally and externally – new matrix?, 2019

The aim of this paper is to present the main objectives of the EU's policy towards Russia, and then to indicate the reasons why this policy is a failure. The basic objective of the EU was to help Russia in the process of its systemic transformation, which was to lead to the democratization and the adoption of a peaceful foreign policy course. Thanks to this, the EU was to gain in its Eastern neighborhood a friendly partner with whom it would be possible to develop a comprehensive cooperation. However, this goal has not been achieved, and one of the main reasons is the fundamental contradiction between the ideological and political systems of both sides. As a result, it also creates a contradiction of basic geopolitical interests, which, in turn, translates into problems with the functioning of the main instrument of mutual relations, which is the EU-Russia strategic partnership. This partnership operates on various levels - while in the sphere of economic relations compromises or cooperation are possible, in practice there is no place for this in the sphere of foreign policy and especially of ideology.

The Ukraine crisis and Russia's contribution to it have raised numerous concerns regarding the possible emergence of a new 'Cold War' in Europe. At the same time, Ukraine's popular choice and enthusiasm for European integration expressed clearly on the streets of Kyiv seems to have caused Russia to adopt a (neo)revisionist attitude. In this context, relations between Russia and the EU (and the West for that matter) have been frozen and been directed on path towards conflict. This article analyses how the traditional dichotomy between conflict and cooperation in EU-Russia relations was replaced by conflict in the context of the Ukraine crisis. The article contends that the breakdown of the symbolic and peaceful cohabitation between the EU and Russia has been influenced by the fact that both actors have chosen to ignore key tensions that characterised their post-Cold War interactions. The article identifies three such tensions: the first emphasises divisions between member states and their impact on coagulating a common EU approach towards Russia; the second (geopolitical) tension highlights the almost mutually exclusive way in which the EU and Russia's security interests have developed in the post-Soviet space; finally, the third contends that a clash of values and worldviews between the EU and Russia makes conflict virtually unavoidable.

European Politics and Society, 2016

Relations between the EU and Russia have been stagnating for many years. Expectations on both sides differ greatly, and their non-fulfillment compounds mutual frustration. The EU needs a more realistic assessment of the current situation in Russia, one that is not based on hopes, unrealistic expectations, and stereotypes. The right approach lies neither in focusing entirely on human right issues nor in only doing business with Russia. Rather, the EU should concentrate on setting the rules, even if this comes at a cost in the short run. The analysis of three key areas in the relations-energy, neighborhood, and visa policy-shows the degree to which the assessments of relations differ. It also underlines how security concerns still influence policy. The conclusion is that even if Russia is a difficult partnerespecially now, as it blocks nearly every cooperation initiative-the EU can and must do more. First of all, the EU should not accept Russian rules for the relationship but set and enforce its own rules. Secondly, the EU should use and apply existing instruments in a less ideological, but more pragmatic way. Finally, rather than give priority to stabilizing the ruling elite, Brussels should refocus its policy on potential partners within the elite and society at large.

2009

The 2004 Enlargement has caused many tensions on the EU-Russia level as has brought new entrants with its Eastern preferences and fears connected with the re-birth of the former soviet partner. Entering the Russian 'sphere of influence' by the engagement in the democracy promotion in the Eastern Europe by some of the EU members has caused even greater impasse in the relationship. The dispute over the energy security issues and frozen conflicts in the EU neighbourhood only highlighted the main problems between two big partners. This paper examines the impact of the latest Enlargement on the EU relations with Russia and it specifically focuses on the European Neighbourhood Policy as a tool of influence in the EU and Russia's shared neighbourhood. The project investigates the question how the Wider Europe idea is compatible with the Wider Russia idea and challenges the EU soft power concept in the Eastern Europe and Caucasus looking at the Georgian war and Ukraine-Russia gas crisis cases. The study also examines the political and security relationship between the EU-Russia and the ENP Eastern partners in light of the last 2004 Enlargement.

The article looks at the European Union's (EU) attempts at ordering the Pan-European space and how Russia has sought to position itself in the EU-centric unipolar order and how that has affected the development of EU -Russia relations during the post-Cold War era. The analysis will move in four successive steps: (i) the development of the EU's attempts at hegemonic, post-sovereign ordering is reconstructed; (ii) the development of EU -Russia relations in light of these processes is analysed; (iii) then, the crisis in Ukraine as a certain culmination point is discussed; (iv) the article ends with conclusions concerning the development of EU-Russia relations in light of the problematic as well as an assessment of the significance of this particular facet in the wider processes of ordering discussed in the Special Issue together with a prognosis concerning the future.

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 2016

The Ukraine crisis and Russia's contribution to it have raised numerous concerns regarding the possible emergence of a new 'Cold War' in Europe. At the same time, Ukraine's popular choice and enthusiasm for European integration expressed clearly on the streets of Kyiv seems to have caused Russia to adopt a (neo)revisionist attitude. In this context, relations between Russia and the EU (and the West for that matter) have been frozen and been directed on path towards conflict. This article analyses how the traditional dichotomy between conflict and cooperation in EU-Russia relations was replaced by conflict in the context of the Ukraine crisis. The article contends that the breakdown of the symbolic and peaceful cohabitation between the EU and Russia has been influenced by the fact that both actors have chosen to ignore key tensions that characterised their post-Cold War interactions. The article identifies three such tensions: the first emphasises divisions between member states and their impact on coagulating a common EU approach towards Russia; the second (geopolitical) tension highlights the almost mutually exclusive way in which the EU and Russia's security interests have developed in the post-Soviet space; finally, the third contends that a clash of values and worldviews between the EU and Russia makes conflict virtually unavoidable.

jhubc.it

The article seeks to advance the understanding of the shifting European Union (EU)-Russia interaction in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus by exploring both the EU’s policies and responses to Russia’s initiatives in the region. Drawing on different strands of literature (regionalism, international relations and EU foreign policy analysis), it identifies three scope conditions under which to expect EU policies to influence the interaction with Russia in the shared neighbourhood: the degree of integration offered to post-Soviet countries as part of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP)/Eastern Partnership (EaP); the extent to which the EU seeks to link Russia with the ENP/EaP; and the degree of internal coherence on the EU’s interaction with Russia. The article argues that all three conditions have contributed to shaping interaction with Russia, albeit to different degrees. It is primarily the EU’s new role of a region-builder as part of the EaP that triggered Russia’s counter-actions, thereby resulting in a growing competition for influence in what has become a contested neighbourhood.

CES Working Papers, Vol. VI, issue 2, supplement A, 2014

Cooperation and trust between Russia and the European Union (EU), two of the most important international actors, have reached the lowest level since the Cold War. The main bone of contention has been the future of countries situated in Eastern Europe, in the so-called 'in-between'/'buffer' region. On the one hand, the EU aims at strengthening links with the six Eastern European partners -Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Belarus, Moldova and Ukraineby encouraging reforms and by luring them to embrace European core values. However, Russia's counteractions have mitigated the EU's plans towards its vicinity -as the case of Ukraine best points out. Apart from the geopolitical competition over the 'shared'

The present study intends to conduct a historical retrospective analysis of the relations between Russia and the EU, all the way since the Cold War until the current era. Recently, the armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine, the Crimean crisis and the Russian interference in some Eastern European countries, have led to rising tensions amongst the relations concerning Russia and the UN. Other than a political crisis, such tumultuous interactions reflect a geopolitical confrontation between the two entities, which is deeply rooted in History itself. Comprehending the political and economic evolution of both parties is nuclear towards understanding the attitudes and motives that drive the behavior of each side and to also demystify common misconceptions related to the public perception of how these relations have been carried out. Overcoming future challenges is entirely dependent, on whether or not ascertaining the intents and capacities of both entities is a feasible reality, especially the perception that each one has of its own position within the international system.

The literature on the European Union's influence in its Eastern neighbourhood has tended to focus on EU-level policies and prioritise EU-related variables. This book seeks to overcome this EU-centric approach by connecting EU policy transfer to the domestic and regional environment in which it unfolds. It looks at the way in which the EU seeks to influence domestic change in the post-Soviet countries participating in the European Neighbourhood Policy/Eastern Partnership and domestic receptivity to EU policies and templates. It seeks to disentangle the various dynamics behind domestic change (or lack thereof) in Eastern Partnership countries, including EU policy mechanisms, domestic elites' preferences and strategies, regional interdependences and Russia's policies. Based upon extensive empirical investigation on EU policies in four countries: Armenia, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine – and in two pivotal policy sectors – the book provides systematic and nuanced understanding of complex forces at work in the policy transfer process. This text will be of key interest to scholars and students of international relations , European studies, democratization studies, and East European Politics and area studies, particularly post-Soviet/Eurasian studies.

Understanding Conflict between Russia and the EU" addresses the conflictual issues in EU-Russian relations and presents an innovative theory for the understanding of their emergence. Drawing on up-to-date research data, the author argues that conflicts in EU-Russian relations are generated by the clash of principles of state sovereignty and international integration, which characterize the policies of both sides.

The article examines ‘common values’ between EU and Russia as well as misunderstandings over proclaimed values. In a three level analysis we focus on 1) documents on partnership and cooperation between EU and Russia, and the emphasis the EU puts on democracy and human rights in its foreign policy; 2) on interpretations of democracy in Russia and 3) on conflicting issues between the two partners. The authors argue that EU has much less formal leverages over Russia’s progress in democratisation as it has towards probable candidate-countries or other third-countries through democratic institutionalization and socialization to EU values. Whilst Russian political elite recently expresses more willingness to exercise its energy power to become a self-sufficient world-player, a careful analysis of public opinions in Russia provides a more multi-faceted picture: There are obvious signs for a certain popularity of democratic values in the Russian public and even a striking coincidence of criticism of Russian politics in the EU and the Russian public. Of course, this still demands implementing and practicing democratic values in Russian politics rather than merely paying lip service. However, the authors intend to provide a more differentiated picture of today’s Russia and EU-Russia relations.

This article suggests that both the EU and Russia sought to achieve the great power status by enhancing their presence in the post-Soviet space. Conflict has arisen as the status seeking efforts of the two have been transformed into a dangerous zero-sum game. Moscow's actions in Ukraine prompted the EU to adopt a more conflictual attitude, where it now actively aims to counteract Moscow's influence. This transformed Russia and the EU's status seeking efforts into a deep security dilemma. Both actors perceive that maintaining their influence in the region is crucial for maintaining their status. Rather than seeking a mutually and sustainable agreement that would give equal importance to Ukraine's interests, the EU and Russia draw more red lines, and revert to Cold War rhetoric. In the short term this behavior will put their status seeking efforts even more at odds with each and deepen the conflict.