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2010
and Business The development of industrial relations in China is moving into a critical period in which capitalism has become the dominant form of social organization. Official unions have sought to adapt to the changing environment through a range of initiatives through each level of their organizational structure. This paper explores the inherent problem in official unions by examining a period at the end of the 1990s when decline in the traditional organizing base was addressed by significant innovations in organizing methods and establishment of new forms of unions. Although many new unions were simply fictitious, unionization has increased. Nevertheless, owing to problems in the method of establishing unions, most notably the absence of worker involvement, unions are extremely weak. When the opportunity to reform arose, official unions lacked interest in initiating genuine representation, and in consequence have become increasingly irrelevant to China's unfolding industrial relations system.
ABSTRACT China’s economic transition has, on the face of it, presented the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) and its affiliated “grassroots” branches with a crisis similar to that experienced by unions in many other countries in the same period. Not only did membership decline, but the penetration of union organization fell dramatically. This crisis has typically been viewed as a symptom of the inherent weakness of Chinese unions in a state corporatist system. Over the last decade or so, however, the ACFTU, as well as grassroots movements, have sought to reinvigorate union organization and to realign its role in the workplace. In this paper, we report on case studies of grassroots unions innovations focused on both improving working conditions and developing a stronger represe ntational role. These developments, we suggest, present a puzzle: namely, how have Chinese unions managed to develop a more representational role associated with autonomous union movements, but in a systems where formally they remained subservient to the Party-State? This paper argues that this apparent puzzle can be explained by the role that grassroots unions play in supporting rank-and-file workers through representational functions. This role, we suggest, has created space for more autonomous action.
Development and Change, 2019
Research on Chinese trade unions has privileged a state-centred, structuralist approach, while the question of union agency has remained undertheorized. Seeking to overcome this limitation, this article examines the agency, the strategies and practice, and the limits and potentials of enterprise union reform in China’s auto parts industry driven by worker activism since the wave of auto strikes in 2010. Drawing on in-depth fieldwork conducted in Guangzhou and Chongqing between 2011 and 2017, the authors reveal variegated but constrained grassroots union agency and identify four key factors to explain the variations in the operation and reform of enterprise unions. Contrary to the common perception that Chinese trade unions are of no value to workers, the authors argue that, driven by worker activism and under specific circumstances, democratically elected enterprise unions are able to exploit certain operational space within the existing political and institutional constraints to carry out substantive collective bargaining and adaptive, incremental reforms, which have improved workers’ material well-being and union representativeness and effectiveness. However, given the authoritarian regime and state-controlled union structure, the space for grassroots union agency is severely restricted and contingent on broader political and economic environments. With growing state repression, the future of worker-driven grassroots union reform is unclear.
Drawing on qualitative fieldwork in China's Guangdong and Zhejiang Provinces, the author asks how postsocialist unions respond to worker unrest and why the development of sectoral-level bargaining has been uneven in different regions of China. While Zhejiang has had relative success in establishing the organizational infrastructure for sectoral bargaining, Guangdong has had little success despite ongoing attempts by unions. The author explains variation in sectoral-level bargaining through an analysis of the different models of economic development, which are characterized as local entrepreneurialism and global integration for Zhejiang and Guangdong, respectively. Despite having different organizational forms, unions in both places suffer from a lack of credibility and capacity to enforce contracts. Given the ACFTU's ongoing focus on sectoral-level bargaining, however, experiments will likely continue in various regions and industries throughout China.
Development and Change, 2019
Research on Chinese trade unions has privileged a state-centred, structuralist approach, while the question of union agency has remained undertheorized. Seeking to overcome this limitation, this article examines the agency, the strategies and practice, and the limits and potentials of enterprise union reform in China's auto parts industry driven by worker activism since the wave of auto strikes in 2010. Drawing on in-depth fieldwork conducted in Guangzhou and Chongqing between 2011 and 2017, the authors reveal variegated but constrained grassroots union agency and identify four key factors to explain the variations in the operation and reform of enterprise unions. Contrary to the common perception that Chinese trade unions are of no value to workers, the authors argue that, driven by worker activism and under specific circumstances, democratically elected enterprise unions are able to exploit certain operational space within the existing political and institutional constraints to carry out substantive collective bargaining and adaptive, incremental reforms, which have improved workers' material well-being and union representativeness and effectiveness. However, given the authoritarian regime and state-controlled union structure, the space for grassroots union agency is severely restricted and contingent on broader political and economic environments. With growing state repression, the future of worker-driven grassroots union reform is unclear.
Industrial Relations, 2006
China Economic Review, 2012
The 'monopoly face' of unions suggests that the rent-seeking activities of unions discourage research and development investment and that the collective bargaining rules may restrict management flexibility, thus deterring innovations. On the other hand, the arrival of unions in the workplace may 'shock' the management into adopting more systematic rather than ad hoc management practices and that such innovative workplace practices may enhance an organization's ability to introduce new products and/or new processes. Further, the 'voice face' of unions argues that the independent 'questioning' of the management deliberations by the unions can also lead to better, more creative and, hence, more productive solutions. This paper investigates the link between unions and firm innovations in China. Different from their counterparts in advanced economies, Chinese unions are found to encourage firm innovations and R&D investment.
2010
This paper empirically studies union effects on the performance of, and employment relations in, China's private enterprises. The study finds a positive and statistically significant union effect on labor productivity, but not on profitability. It further finds that unions lead to better employee benefits and increased contract signing in employment. These findings suggest that, in the era of transition from a centrally planned to a market economy, unions in China's private enterprises do promote workers' interests as unions do in other economies. And they do that without abandoning their traditional role of harmonizing employment relations, as required by the Party.
British Journal of Industrial Relations, 2011
2009, 405 pp., ISBN 978 0 521 51456 9, £65.00, hardback.
China Information, 2017
Worker protests in China are increasing in frequency, and workers are making more ambitious demands. However, it is unclear whether this activism is, on the whole, drawing a reformist or conservative response from officials. Using a 2014 survey of city-level leaders from China's official trade union federation, we find that an acknowledgement of the seriousness of today's labour disputes and of how the country's industrial relations are changing is positively correlated with respondents' optimism regarding the likelihood of changes to China's political system. To determine exactly what this means ideologically, we further compare reform optimists and pessimists with regard to their support for a range of more specific policies, finding that those who believe systemic changes are close at hand have different views from their peers regarding the importance of engagement with global civil society and a tripartite (government, union, employer) approach to managing workplaces. This provides tentative support for the idea that reform optimists are reform supporters and that interest in change among Chinese officials, at least at the level studied here, is growing alongside workplace conflict.
Industrial Relations Journal, 1983
The significance of trade unions in China* Against the background of the rise (and fall) of Solidarity in Poland this article examines the nature of communist trade unions, focusing on their development in China and emphasising the need to use a different approach from that appropriate to capitalist societies.
tasa.org.au
In a planned economy, Chinese unions were officially functioned as a two-way 'transmission belt', which involved implementing the will of the State from top down and representing the demand of workers from bottom up. However, China's market reform has witnessed the rupture of Chinese unions' transmission belt role by virtue of the decline of the SOEs and the rise of private employers. Therefore, in order to retain an authoritarian socialist principle without disturbing the economic growth, unions have to rebuild their role of transmission belt at grassroots level in the private sector. Empirically, there has already been some evidence by some regional offices of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) to form united grassroots unions independently from individual employers in C city. Remarkably, this attempt has distinct parallels with various models of union revitalisation that have been documented in many other countries. The paper aims to use qualitative case study evidence in C city to indicate how this practice helps unions revitalise their transmission belt role in private sector. The research finds that, although the practice has built up a new form of grassroots union as new transmission belt, such belt is still limited both in representing workers in labour disputes.
2016
Stefano Agnoletto, Brian J Griffith, and Cristina Palmieri, eds. "The Origins of the Welfare State: Global and Comparative Approaches" Zapruder World: An International Journal for the History of Social Conflict 3 (2016) ISSN: 2385-1171 View Volume: http://www.zapruderworld.org/volume-3/ "The aim of this article is to identify patterns of industrial conflict in China in recent years. In particular, I will focus on whether the global crisis, which began in 2007-2008, changed industrial conflict and how industrial conflict influenced the State. In doing so, the article attempts to blend together academic, journalistic, and militant source materials. The first section of the paper briefly explains contemporary Chinese labour legislation. The second section examines the role of the official state-sponsored trade union, the All China Federations of Trade Unions, (ACFTU). The third and final section discusses changings in social composition of Chinese workers involved in industrial conflict as well as aims and methods of industrial conflict itself."
How do post-socialist unions respond to market crisis? And what are the implications of this response for labor representation? Drawing on literature on post-socialist labor and union democracy, I argue that economic crisis affects not just labor-capital and labor-state relations, but also the relationship between union representatives and workers. Such a dynamic is highlighted by an empirical account of the divergent activities of workers and All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) unions in China following the economic crisis of 2008. While the union responded to mass unemployment with an administrative and policy-oriented strategy, workers took to the streets in increasing numbers. This divergence led to several instances of conflict, and, by 2010, it was possible to detect small but significant shifts in the union's approach to dealing with labor unrest.
2017
As a result of a range of PRC government initiatives, including Deng Xiaoping's "Open Door" and "Four Modernizations" policies, the Chinese economy has undergone fundamental changes over the last two decades. Economic reform in the PRC has been supported and highlighted by China's recent entry into the WTO. This transformation in the Chinese economy has been associated with significant levels of reform in employment relations. These reforms have led to the development of clearer and closer links between labour-management relations and market forces. However, the real impact of these changes on the role of trade unions in the PRC is, by no means a straightforward one. New labour legislation has provided trade unions with greater scope than ever before in representing the interests of their members. However, transitions away from market dominance by State Owned Enterprises and the emergence of a robust private sector has led to a significant reduction in tr...
International Union Rights, 2015
2012
… We have also drawn on discussions with scores of Chinese academic experts and government and union officials, to whom we are extremely grateful. We have also had valuable research assistance from Zhu Han, LL.M., NYU School of Law, 2010. All opinions, assessments, and errors are our own.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2014
Chinese Unions and Enterprises Performance This paper uses the national firm level survey data to investigate the effects of Chinese unions on firm performance. We show that Chinese unions have a strong "State-Party voice" face and a "collective voice" face but lack of "monopoly" face. The government influence plays an important role in unionization. The empirical findings on the effectiveness of unions are remarkable: unions in the workplace significantly improve productivity but reduce enterprise profitability. Moreover, the presence of unions in same region and industry generates negative spillovers on enterprise performance.
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