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1992, Pragmatics
AI
The paper examines the role of language in shaping European nationalist ideologies, as influenced by historical perspectives on nationalism and identity. It builds upon previous works, particularly the insights of E.J. Hobsbawm, to analyze the intricacies of national identification and the importance of understanding these ideologies from the perspective of ordinary individuals. The aim is to contribute to an ongoing research project that seeks to document and analyze mainstream European thought regarding nations and group identity, focusing on ethnic conflicts and separatist movements.
Ethnic and Racial Studies, 2000
There is a great failure and mental morass concerning theory and political practice of nation and nationalism, including not only traditional approaches but late nationalism studies as well. The reason is a long-standing and widely shared quest for adequate de nition of what does not exist, in reality, as a collective body. Nation is a powerful metaphor which two forms of social groupingspolity (state) and ethnic entity (the people)are ghting to have as their exclusive property. In its latest manifestation, it is an argument for geopolitical engineering and for questioning the legitimacy of weaker collective actors on the part of the winners. There is no sense in de ning states and ethnic groups by the category of a nation. The latter is a ghost word, escalated to a level of meta-category through historic accident and inertia of intellectual prescription. A suggested 'hard scenario' for breaking the methodological impasse is a 'zero option', when both major clients for being a nation will be deprived of a luxury called by that label. The process of dismantling the non-operational category should be started with the intellectual courage to forget the nation as an academic de nition and extend this logic into the domain of politics and everyday discourse.
Analyses of nation and nationalism, which are figuratively about “‘belonging’, “‘bordering’, and ‘commitment’” (Brennan, 1995:128), have come in various ways. While some scholars evaluate it from 1980 upwards (Zuelow, 2006), others concentrate on ideas around it across time (Smith, 1994; Brubaker, 1996; Özkirimlii, 2000). Many others try to group theories of nationalism into typologies, for easier understanding (Smith, 1994; Greenfeld, 1995; Hechter, 2000). There are also various theories on its manner of emergence (Anderson, 1983; Handler, 1988; Gellner, 1983; Hroch, 1996; Renan, 1996). While a grouping of the arguments can be elusive, relationships between the individual and the collective to the state are in the centre of most analyses. Issues are also around ways of considering the relation between the self and the nation. This paper discusses nation and nationalism from the multiple perspectives, and other intervening and related concepts, in the bid to expand the scope of understanding, and concludes that the shades of conceptualisations are still bound to continue.
unpublished discussion paper .Yale University, 2010
You can think about nationalism in its bearing on politics in several different ways, which may well prove not to be simultaneously compatible with one another. You can view it as a political phenomenon predicated on attitudes, cognitive orientations, and interpretations and assignments of values, within a given population. You can also view it (and with equal appropriateness) as a political strategy for different types of agents across a wide range of settings. You can view it as a normative and practical conception of how it is appropriate to interpret and assign value within political life. All of these ways implicate political judgment from the outset (11a), but they do so with varying explicitness. Strategy can at least be assessed hypothetically and instrumentally independently of any disposition to espouse or shun it. But it comes under scrutiny, characteristically, when and because different sorts of political actors do find themselves drawn to it or repelled by it. Normative and practical conceptions of how to interpret and assign value within political life constitute political judgments in themselves. Even as a political phenomenon nationalism's presence must be established either by direct quotation (the salience of the terminology and conceptualisation of nationhood within the ways in which a particular population speaks), or by the evidently political judgment that the category of nation is constraining or driving the political responses of some elements of the population in question in clear and forcible ways. How should we see the aetiology of that presence ? How should we select intellectual strategies for identifying it more clearly and reliably than the social sciences have yet proved able to ? The grounds for bothering to try to do so issue from two further
Nationalism & Ethnic Politics, 1 (4): 143-5 (ISSN: 1353-7113)., 1996
NATIONALISM AS AN ESSENTIALLY CONTESTED CONCEPT, 2018
Despite the fact that the notion of a state that contains a specific nation is relatively new, most societies tend to perceive their national origins as an indisputable historical fact. This paper tries to understand the reasons that make rational individuals and groups of people believe in the irrational claims of national identities and national pride. As political discourse is the main source of these claims, this paper analyses the nature of that discourse and the way it manages to coin essentially contested concepts that are acceptable by the public. Subsequently, the paper delves into the mechanisms in which the human cognitive apparatus interprets discourse, and the reasons that make it vulnerable to deception. Additionally, the paper revisits notions like nations and states to prove the fact that there is no direct relationship between belonging to a state and feeling national pride. Eventually, the paper tackles the main psychological attributes that interfere to make rational individuals and groups abandon their rationality to believe in purely sentimental political notions.
2018
In t r o d u c t io n ^ J ations, lan g u a g es, or states are so much part and parcel of the world in which we live nowadays that we hardly ever spare them a thought. These categories appear "transparent" to us, the "natural" building blocks1 from which our (social) world is composed, or-more aptly-constructed.2 Scholarly lit erature frequently suggests that a configuration of these three elements is the cornerstone of nationalism, or the sole ideology of statehood and peoplehood legitimation in today's world after the completion of decolonization and follow ing the breakup of the ideologically nonnational polity of the Soviet Union in the second half of the twentieth century. From the human perspective today's world is made of nation-states; the planet' s all inhabited and habitable landmass neatly apportioned among the extant polities. In this study, first, I aspire to "de-naturalize" the categories of nation, (a) language,3 and state (but I exclude from the analysis substate, suprastate, or "not-state-endow ed" nations and nationalisms). On this basis, I reflect on ethnic nationalism as a subspecies of the ideology of nationalism. According to common opinion, ethnic nationalism is quite closely, though in a largely unde fined and vague manner, associated with Central (and Eastern) Europe.4 In this pattern of things, the importance of language is customarily emphasized, often by reference to the seminal but rather rambling work Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit, 1784-91 (Outlines o f a Philosophy of the History o f I thank Andrea Graziosi, Michael Flier, and Frank Sysyn for their invaluable sug gestions and lengthy discussion of this article's argument, which allowed me to improve it considerably. Obviously, the responsibility is mine for any remaining infelicities.
Annual Review of Political Science, 2021
Amid the global resurgence of nationalist governments, what do we know about nationalism? This review takes stock of political science debates on nationalism to critically assess what we already know and what we still need to know. We begin by synthesizing classic debates and tracing the origins of the current consensus that nations are historically contingent and socially constructed. We then highlight three trends in contemporary nationalism scholarship: (a) comparative historical research that treats nationalism as a macropolitical force and excavates the relationships between nations, states, constitutive stories, and political conflict; (b) behavioral research that uses survey data and experiments to gauge the causes and effects of attachment to nations; and (c) ethnographic scholarship that illuminates the everyday processes and practices that perpetuate national belonging. The penultimate section briefly summarizes relevant insights from philosophy, history, and social psychology and identifies knowledge gaps that political scientists are well-positioned to address. A final section calls for more comparative, cross-disciplinary, cross-regional research on nationalism.
1996
The reemergence of nationalism in Europe is characterized by its strong appeal to values outside modernist spheres of reference. Its success is a symptom of profound dissatisfaction with modernist ideals, resulting in, in the words of William McBride, a sort of global malaise. 1 Juergen Habermas' analysis of the changes in Europe is, as I shall show, inadequate, especially for Eastern Europe. The new nationalism defies an analysis like his that is too rationalistic and couched in Enlightenment ideals such as morality for morality's sake, a rather conceited conception of reason, and an abhorrence (or at least a commitment to uncompromising domination) of nature. I will try to explain how the history of nationhood in Europe is influencing the current resurgence of nationalism as the new direction of society. It will be interesting to note the difference between unified Germany and Eastern Europe. The Germany's tradition included a very strong appeal to mythology which did not translate well into the reasonableness of enlightenment but did translate well into postmodernism. The case study of Yugoslavia as a victim of nationalist forces, which gained the upper hand as a consequence of the lack of any other forces, will serve to demonstrate the "newness" of the nationalism there. Habermas 1 " Rethinking Democracy in Light of the East European Experience," in The Social Power of Ideas, pg. 125
alter the arrangement.) (1) This Westphalian Peace, as is widely believed, heralded the system of nation-states in Europe. However, this peace should be understood in the sense of Orwellian doublespeak. The Westphalian system ushered in a new series of national wars for hegemony in Europe and in colonies -and through a number of local wars, Napoleonic campaign, Franco-Prussian war , this process went on upto the two world wars in the twentieth century, and even beyond that up to the present time.
International Journal of Middle East Studies, 2005
Journal of Political Ideologies, 2003
This short piece offers an ethnographic analysis of political dynamics in a small, divided town in central Bosnia 1 , while also reflecting on some recurrent assumptions about the nature of nationalist politics and belonging in the Balkans. When it comes to this country, researchers and political reformists face a serious conundrum: despite 16 years of internationally sponsored reconciliation and rebuilding purportedly aimed at creating a unified state, the country's voters continue to give their preference to rival nationalist parties. Subsequently, many analyses suggest that Bosnian Croats, Serbs and Bosniaks (Muslims) remain convinced of the saliency of nationalism, its categories and the forms of political organization it offers. The conclusion that seems to follow is that because the majority of country's citizens choose nationalists as their "legitimate" representatives, they are themselves nationalists. Even some anthropologists, such as Hayden , argue that electoral numbers in the region reflect the "true" native's point of view-that of a nationalist-which may make us uncomfortable but will also give access to some kind of a "real" that must be a starting point for both analysis and political intervention. On the other hand, international "humanitarians" and liberal reformists in Bosnia will make abundant use of the same conundrum to insist that nationalism is a form of false consciousness that can be eradicated through education, increase in political literacy, and confrontation with cold, hard facts (about corruption, inefficiency, poverty, etc.) I want to complicate this view of nationalism as a "matter of conviction" by narrating the story of Zlata 2 , a young woman in town who was rumored, despite her repeated rebuttals, to be a member of a nationalist party. In the course of this move, I turn towards the processes whereby people come to enact, reproduce and make real nationalist frameworks irrespective of their values or intentions. In my analysis, the very figure of the nationalist becomes a theoretical, ethical and political problem rather than an empirical reality. 3
Journal of Human Sciences
Following dissolution of empires, nation-states appeared on the stage of history in the 19th century when they were established as a result of nationalism that came into prominence based on unity of common language and history. it would not be wrong to say that the nationalist movements that started in the 19th century and the transition period to the nation-state structure took place simultaneously. Nationalism has an important role in the process of losing the legitimacy of traditional structures and the emergence of modern states. The nationalist movement and its studies, which gained momentum especially after the world wars, were gen-erally evaluated together with modernism. Even if nationalism is not an ideology, it is undeniable that the na-tion form has existed in social life since ancient times. In addition to the economic, social and cultural reasons and changes that helped the emergence of the nation-state, there is also the concept of "nationalism", which was of...
2008
By way of concluding this book, I want to recapitulate the multiple accounts of nationalism that crisscross through the preceding chapters. At one level, the chapters describe nationalism, its rise, its different manifestations, and its important facets. Clearly, as the chapters reflect, there are disagreements about what various scholars have to say about nationalism and its patterns. At another level, then, are the questions of how to approach nationalism and what broader themes are encoded within its idiom, such as race, gender, sexuality, and ethnicity. A culturalist approach to nationalism is shaped by, but also critical of, what are loosely described as modernist theories of nationalism. Partly shaped by Anderson and Hobsbawm's insights, the culturalist approach sees nationalisms as modern phenomena that are conceived, but are not unreal. I also want to emphasize that this is not to simply acknowledge that nationalisms are culturally constructed but to push the argument further: that nationalisms need to be continually imagined, reproduced, and reiterated in order for them to appear normal and natural. Therefore, a second point is that both the banal as well as the spectacular moments of nationalisms can provide important insights. The persisting influence of nations and nationalisms is not merely a factor in moments of crisis or spectacles such as independence-day celebrations in former colonies and the USA, for that matter. If anything, nations and nationalisms are woven through the fabric of everyday life. Third, a culturalist approach departs from modernist theories in two related ways: it argues against a single theory of nationalism and its origins; and it challenges Euro-Americancentered perspectives on nationalism that either disregard non-western
Linguistics and Education, 1995
This study analyzes how less powerful subjects in an unequal encounter, an admission interview in an educational institution, were able to counter the power directed at them by the more powerful subject through aikido strategies. The chief means used to achieve an aikido balance was membershipping, a device to neutralize or bring the power of the more powerful subject under control by unifying with it and leading it off with its own force. Aikido politics is basically the redirection of a potential opponent's energy to the user's advantage and an attainment of power through cooperation rather than confrontation. Although there were many ways of membershipping, the choice was necessarily limited by the context of situation in terms of what was considered appropriate and relevant. In the context of the admission interview, harmonizing with the ideological discursive formation of the institution in question became the most obvious means of membershipping.
Language in Society, 2004
This study places conversational performance, or speakers' attempts during everyday talk to draw attention to the aesthetic form of their utterances, at the center of an analysis of linguistic ideology. It examines, in particular, the ways in which two white, middle-class, U.S. university students use performance strategies to construct as Other an English-speaking man whom one student encounters on a flight from Saudi Arabia. Drawing on a socially and ideologically situated theory of verbal art, this article proposes five interconnected relations between performance and ideology. Together, these relations constitute a step toward an integrated theory of an inextricable link between the ideological structure of performance and the potential for performance in ideological discourse. (Oral performance, linguistic ideology, nonnative speaker, ideological discourse, verbal interaction, young adult discourse, verbal art in conversation)*
Journal of Sociolinguistics
The objective of this paper is to explore the dynamics of citizen science (CS) in sociolinguistics or citizen sociolinguistics, i.e. the engagement of nonprofessionals in doing sociolinguistic research. Based on a CS-study undertaken in Norway where we engaged young people as citizen scientists to explore linguistic diversity, this paper aims to clarify the definition of citizen sociolinguistics; it seeks to advance the discussion of the advantages of CS and of how CS can contribute to sociolinguistics; it also addresses the opposite: how sociolinguistics can contribute to the general field of citizen science; and it discusses the challenges of a CS-methodology for sociolinguistic research, epistemologically and ethically, as well as in terms of recruitment, quality control and possible types of sociolinguistic tasks and topics. To meet the needs of society and societal challenges of today there is a need to develop methods and establish scientific acceptance for the relevance of public engagement in research. This paper argues that citizen sociolinguistics has the potential to advance the societal impact of sociolinguistics by constructing a dialogue between 'the academy' and 'the citizens'; citizen sociolinguistics relies on and encourages participatory citizen agency, provides research experience, stimulates curiosity, further research, public understanding of science and (socio)linguistic awareness, and encourages linguistic stewardship. Form alet med artikkelen er a undersøke hvordan citizen science (CS), eller medborgervitenskap, kan anvendes i sosiolingvistisk forskning. Citizen sociolinguistics eller sosiolingvistisk medborgervitenskap forst as som det a involvere lekfolk i a gjøre sosiolingvistisk forskning. Med utgangspunkt i en norsk CS-studie der vi inviterte alle skoleelever p a alle trinn til a vaere spr akforskere, redegjør denne artikkelen for hva sosiolingvistisk medborgervitenskap er. Den diskuterer fordeler ved sosiolingvistisk medborgervitenskap og hvordan CS kan bidra til sosiolingvistikken. Samtidig viser artikkelen hvordan sosiolingvistikken kan bidra til det generelle CS-feltet. Den diskuterer ogs a metodologiske utfordringer med CS, det vaere seg epistemologiske og etiske, samt utfordringer med tanke p a rekruttering, kvalitetskontroll og hvilke typer sosiolingvistiske emner som kan tematiseres innenfor en CS-metodologi. For a møte samfunnets behov og dagens samfunnsutfordringer er det viktig a videreutvikle metoder og etablere vitenskapelig aksept for medborgeres aktive deltakelse i og bidrag til forskning. En CS-metodologi skaper dialog mellom akademia og medborgerne, og den kan s aledes bidra til a øke sosiolingvistikkens samfunnsmessige betydning. Sosiolingvistisk medborgervitenskap oppmuntrer til medborgeres deltakelse i
2020
This chapter draws on two ethnographic studies in Greek-Cypriot schools, focusing on immigrant children with Turkish as L1, a language that has been stigmatized by a history of conflict both in the Greek-Cypriot context and in many of the children’s own communities and historical trajectories. Analysing children’s silences and self-censoring of their Turkish-speakerness, it examines how language ideologies and discourses of (in)security and conflict may pose serious obstacles for enacting translanguaging as a socially just pedagogy.
Critical Inquiry in Language Studies, 2020
Unmooring language is a proposal for a language-based social justice concept that aims to go beyond national and local epistemologies of language in place. This article contributes to current discussions in critical sociolinguistics about how to conceptualize language bearing in mind the primacy of mobility and fluidity. Drawing on folk linguistics, local metalinguistic talk, and citizen sociolinguistics; this study explores how young people (aged 18-25 years) talk about the relationship between language and place in the urban city of Manchester, UK. Through 57 online questionnaires and eight semi-structured interviews, the study finds that participants' descriptions of their linguistic repertoires foreground the primacy of motion and invite the fluidity of unmooring. It also indicates that while young people tend to have positive attitudes toward linguistic diversity in the city, some reported exposure to language-based discrimination, and others expressed different views on linguistic diversity. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of language-based advocacy and activism to ensure that linguistic diversity has a right to the city, a step to combat linguistic hostility and ethnolinguistic nationalism.
British Educational Research Journal, 2018
This study investigates Pakistan's secondary school children's constructions of their national identity in a Pakistani school in Dubai by drawing on data collected from students and teachers from the case school and analysing national curriculum textbooks used in the school. Informed by Foucault's concepts, the article problematises how the curriculum textbooks are employed as a technology of power for inculcating national consciousness in the students. The findings suggest that Pakistan's national curriculum textbooks deploy a specific version of Islam as a major technology, which then influences other national identity signifiers in the textbooks for shaping students' national identity. The school affords a crucial space for the complex interplay of these technologies, which construct students' ethnocentric national identities, encouraging social polarisation. This has implications for Pakistan's national social cohesion as well as the potential for subverting international peaceful coexistence and working relationships, particularly in the selected overseas study context.
Language Policy, 2018
Ever since the wars of the Yugoslav secession in the nineties, linguistic nationalism has proven to have been among the more relevant instances in the discursive construction of national identity and new languages, dubbed by Ranko Bugarski as 'administrative successors' of Serbo-Croatian. Even though contemporary linguistics still classifies Serbo-Croatian as one language with regional varieties (commonly dubbed 'polycentric standardized languages' in linguistics), nationalist linguists have been working tirelessly to discursively construct their own, local languages, based on national identity, script and religion. Since most scholarly production has been dealing with nationalist linguistics related to the breakup of Serbo-Croatian during and in the immediate aftermath of the wars of the Yugoslav secession, not much has been written on the current state of nationalist linguistics in Serbia in the 21st century. This article deals with the contemporary nationalist linguist discourse on the topic of the Serbian version of the polycentric standardized Serbo-Croatian language, its discursive connections to religion, nationality and the Otherizing of Croatia as the discursive Other against which a Serbian language needs to be constructed. As the article will show, this is achieved by assertive, declarative discourse.
Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA), 2001
Cultural differences have been shown to be social phenomena, arising in a complex reciprocal relationship between social actors and historical context. National character descriptions have also been shown to do ideological work. Language plays a crucial role in the construction of perceived reality, including perceived differences, and in the support of power structures. This study uses critical language analysis to uncover ideological frameworks behind cultural descriptions Americans have constructed of Russians. First, I will argue that American images of Russians became reified during the Cold War forming crucial building blocks in the ideological war between communism and anti-communism. I will show that linguistic strategies known to be used to gain symbolic control over the Other shaped these descriptions. I will then turn to the post-Cold War era and examine whether the change in ideological climate is reflected in current descriptions. The analysis shows the old descriptions...
Zeitschrift für Slawistik, 2022
The essays in this thematic issue explore an important but often overlooked legacy of European multilingualism and the various power asymmetries and ideological values that characterize it, namely the multilingual practices of ethno-linguistic groups on Europe's southeastern periphery. Although the European Union has in the past twenty years adopted legislation that explicitly celebrates and supports multilingualism, linguistic diversity and minority language rights, its language policy has received criticism for tending to rely on and embolden national standardizing language regimes (Gal 2006; Leech 2017; Mandić and Belić 2018). Indeed, the European focus on the protection of language diversity and language rights appears to reaffirm a static model of language in that it relies upon "the idea of a European polity based on the cooperation of distinct nation states" and upon related codified languages which can be traced back to ideologies of Romantic authenticity and Enlightenment universality (Leech 2017: 34-35; Gal 2011). Scholars of the EU's language and multilingualism policy found that the official discourses oscillate between highlighting traditional cultural values like diversity and the right to education in the speakers' first language on the one hand, and promoting economic values and ideologies on the other hand (Krzyżanowski and Wodak 2011; Romaine 2013). Accordingly, the "ideal" European citizen is portrayed as a multilingual person whose linguistic repertoire comprises of at least one language intended "for business" (instrumental/universal value) and one language as mother tongue, used "for pleasure" (authenticity) (Gal 2011: 49). As such, EU language policy does not facilitate newly emerging in-between or
Language Policy, 2019
The handling of linguistic diversity in the Basque Autonomous Community has been an area of constant political debate since the establishment of the Basque-Spanish co-official linguistic regime and the introduction of a process to revitalize Euskara (the Basque language) in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Much of that debate has materialized in claims related to the language rights of citizens. This paper analyzes discourses about language rights in three political organizations, the Basque Nationalist Party (EAJ-PNV), the Abertzale Left (Ezker Abertzalea), and the Popular Party (PP), through an analysis of their electoral programs for the Basque Parliament from the first elections to the present day (1980-2016). Although the linguistic system of the Basque Autonomous Community seems consolidated, the analysis has shown that policy proposals are profoundly conditioned by the form of understanding language rights and that these in turn are influenced by distinct national projects. EAJ-PNV advocates for an effective equal opportunity to choose between Spanish and Basque in all spheres of use, motivated by its ethnocultural conception of the Basque Nation. The Ezker Abertzalea demands the right to live in Basque throughout the Basque Country with Basque as the common language of its plurilingual state project. The PP focuses on the negative side of language rights based on the common language status of Spanish and the right of citizens to remain monolingual in Spanish.
Russian Journal of Linguistics
Human e/migration across the Mediterranean increased significantly in the first part of the 21st century. At the mercy of people smugglers, migrants who succeed in crossing the seas face uncertain futures in Europe. Such immigration is at the heart of political debate in Europe, where right-wing populist parties have made significant gains because of their opposition to it. These parties tend to view human migration as a negative phenomenon, using familiar and by now even clichéd cultural and socio-political arguments against it. This study explores some of these discursive tropes. Rather than following studies that use a critical discourse paradigm, the paper’s main aim is to identify positive discourse and practice that might represent models for future behaviour in this context. It focuses on a discussion on recent migration involving Italy and, by applying tools of pragmatic analysis, united to knowledge of the socio-political background, traces some underlying trends in migrant...
ExELL
The paper aims to evaluate the role of language in a specific socio-political context. It offers a critical approach and evaluation of the political statements of the European Union representatives regarding the process of the accession of Bosnia and Hercegovina to the European Union. The focus of the linguistic investigation is on the identification of language structures that participate in the development of communicative models that enable the establishment of power relations between participating entities. The linguistic data is obtained through systemic functional grammar and evaluated using critical discourse analysis.
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