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1978, Apeiron
In Republic V Socrates offer three successive waves of paradox, the first being that amongst the rulers men and women will be assigned to fulfill the same social functions and the second being that amongst the rulers the traditional private family will be abolished. In her article “Philosopher Queens and Private Wives: Plato on Women and the Family” (Philosophy and Public Affairs (1977)) Susan Moller Okin argued that Plato’s argument is that the second wave of paradox implies the first. In this note I rebut Okin’s arguments and show, in part based on evidence adduced by Okin herself, that for Plato it is the first wave of paradox that implies the second.
Skepsis, 2013
Published in Skepsis. Journal for Philosophy and Interdisciplinary Research, XXII, 2013. Abstract: Plato was the first philosopher who gave an account for the highly controversial claim that both genders are principally equal in respect to their talents and abilities. Consequently, one may advocate the thesis that in Plato’s view, the gender differences are rather the outcomes of social, cultural and political influences, than of natural factors. The aim of this paper is to elucidate the meaning and validity of Plato’s arguments for the gender equality in the Republic, which will be supplemented with some important remarks on this same subject-matter from the Laws, in order to find out what social and political implications they have. In doing this, I will argue against some interpretations of prominent Plato scholars who criticize or reject his account of the social role that women should have in Plato’s ideal city. Additionally, I will discuss the claim, advocated by George Vlastos, that Plato is a feminist in a modern sense of the term
Journal of Ancient Philosophy
This essay will marshal evidence for Plato’s extension of equal education and professional opportunity to all women, including artisan women who are not his ideal city’s philosopher-queens. I examine the explicit commentary in the Republic, Timaeus, and Laws about women in artisan professions, and I link it together with the three of the core principles advanced in the Republic, particularly (1) the principle of specialization (R. 369b-370c), (2) the principle of irrelevant reproductive differences (R. 454b-e, 456b), and (3) the principle of children’s potential (R. 415a-c, 423c-d) that arises from the myth of metals. Plato uses his Socrates and the Athenian to argue against gender discrimination because it violates these principles. Plato offering a theory of equal opportunity for women across all classes ought to be highlighted as one of the central achievements of the Republic.
Plato composed not one but two separate attempts to solve the conundrum of the woman question: that is, what to do about the role of women in civil society? The most famous, of course, is Socrates' attempt in the Republic, where he anoints the women of the ruling class as philosopher-queens, albeit as weaker in some respect than the men. But while Socrates does his best to avoid discussing the woman question at all, his counterpart, the Athenian Stranger of the Laws, is forthright about the pressing nature of the problem: the customary practice of leaving women unregulated by law, without public standing and so with no public stake in public well-being, is a grave error. 1 The Stranger's own solution is relatively moderate, though often ignored by Republic commentators: he proposes a partial share in the rulership for women, and some shared education. 2 But while Socrates' solution to the woman question pleases hardly any reader ever, it remains the more vivid and even appealing of the two, perhaps equally from its scope and limitations; and so it tends to be thought of as Plato's answer simply. But the majority of attempts to understand what Socrates in particular is saying about the woman question lift his words out of the fabric of the Republic's conversational back-and-forth, reducing a highly tense moment to an unsatisfying formula of "what Plato said" in general. In doing so, they fall short of a serious attempt to understand the force of Socrates' idiosyncratic plans. To make matters worse, Socratic irony volatizes our relation to the drama: to what extent do we even know what Socrates is ultimately proposing for women? And while, as Kierkegaard notes, the opposite of what is said is the weakest form of irony, there still remains this problem, the very real possibility that by his strange plans, Socrates might be pointing to serious problems with the attempt to rearrange the position of women in the polis. 3 Because of this, much of the scholarship that takes Socratic drama and Socratic irony seriously tends to consider that instead of suggesting women rule as philosopherqueens, Socrates intends the opposite: to laugh and scorn at any alteration in the customary place of women. But this treats the woman question as separate from the immediately following proposal of philosopher-kings, sinking the women while letting the ironic reversal go lightly on philosophy's own foibles. I propose to show the link in dramatic action between Socrates' proposals for women and for philosophy, and to speak to the dramatic reason for the emphasis on women's relative weakness. Socrates' response to the woman question is much richer and more aporetic than is generally imagined. One brief note: another aspect of the woman question takes the form of "what is it?," and this is the more difficult question to ask in good faith. For instance, in reading Irigaray's Speculum of the Other Woman one is struck by her sheer frustration when she addresses Freud's thinking on woman, wherein he attempts to explain that women are, in 1 Laws 780e-781d, and especially 781a: "Through a slackness towards [the female sex] many things have flown past you, which might have been better by far than things are at present, if they had fallen in with laws." All translations are my own. 2 For commentators that do make this crucial comparison, see Blair (2012), 117-18, 151-86; Kochin (2002), 87-111; and also Adam (1913), 124-142 is also worth consulting. 3 Søren Kierkegaard calls the opposite of what is said "finite" irony (1989), 248, while claiming that Socrates' irony, by contrast, is infinite (127).
Archai 33, 2023
In Plato’s Republic V, 449a-457b, Socrates argues that the guardian class of Kallipolis will comprise both men and women and that women with the appropriate nature ought to receive the same education and fulfill the same tasks as their male counterparts. In this article I argue, against competing interpretations of this claim as dependent either on the necessity of abolishing the oikos or on eugenic principles, that Socrates’ argument ought to be understood as a genuine argument about women’s natural capabilities and ought to be interpreted in light of the Socratic debate about women’s virtues. Moreover, I show that the legal language mobilized, combined with polemical references to Aristophanes, serves the purpose of evoking Socrates’ trial, thus alerting the reader to the seriousness of the proposal in question.
Journal of the History of Philosophy, 1983
History of Political Thought, 2011
This article deals with the issue of the abolition of both property and family for the Guardians in Plato's Republic. My aim is to show that such abolition answers to the problem of the art of ruling raised in Book I: how can the rulers rule not in their own interest, but rather in the interest of the ruled? The abolition of property and family changes the very economic and social framework of the city, leading to an identity of the private interests of the rulers and of the common interests of the polis, by establishing a koinÜnia among the Guardians and a relationship of interdependence between them and the producers. Nevertheless, the exclusion of the lower class from the abolition of property and family creates a situation of fundamental asymmetry in the relationship between the classes and renders ambiguous the manner in which the producers belong to the city, creating in this way a 'differential inclusion into citizenship'.
2018
In this essay, I analyze the role of egalitarian claims in The Republic. These claims are present in the text, and coexist with strong anti-egalitarian elements. I intend two things: first, to unveil the tension between the two; and, secondly, to examine if the dialectical development of the arguments arrives at a solution of higher order.
Patriarchal Moments : Reading Patriarchal Texts, 2016
The American Political Science Review, 1996
Aristotle is no misogynist, but the way this charge is answered can skew the understanding of his political theory as a whole. Those who dismiss the charge of misogyny on grounds that Aristotle covertly advocates women's participation in civic affairs tend to obscure the leading thesis of thePolitics, namely, that polis and household differ in kind, not merely in number. I argue that Aristotle condones the exclusion of women from civic affairs because this practice conforms to the natural complementarity of the sexes and because it fortifies the naturally pluralistic structure of society. By securing these underpinnings, Aristotle frames a constitution that best supports women and men in their pursuit of human excellence.
Apeiron, 2016
Despite the prominent argument for equal educational opportunity for women inWe examine carefully Plato’s argument for the equal nature of women in
Plato was a philosopher and a mathematician in Classical Greece. He is considered a great figure in the development of philosophy, especially the Western tradition. He was a student of Socrates and his most famous student was Aristotle. He founded the Athenian Academy, the first institution of higher learning in the Western world, and alongside his teacher and student, he laid the foundations of Western philosophy and science. Plato's dialogues have been and continue to be used to teach a wide range of subjects, including philosophy, logic, ethics, rhetoric, religion and mathematics. In this essay I am set to present his thoughts on the equality of women and their engagement in political life, alongside the thoughts of other thinkers who have delved in depth into the matter in question as well, a review of the political status of women today before finally giving a critique of the entire foregoing. Recently, on 27 th January 2015, while ending his visit to India, American President Barrack Obama called for equal treatment of females as their male counterparts especially in terms of education and work. He said, 'We know from experience that nations are more successful when their women are successful … This is one of the most direct measures of whether a nation is going to develop effectively-how it treats its women.' 1 Such calls did not just emerge today for a look into history reveals that they actually existed long before the incarnation of Christ. Plato's position on the question of the equality of women as pertains to their involvement in political life is clearly stipulated in his dialogue, Republic. He held that women are of equal aptitude as men and thus ought to be offered equal opportunity to serve in the organization of the state. During his time, only Athenian-born male citizens took part in making decisions that shaped the city state. Women were confined to the homes for child bearing and rearing as well as caretakers. His proposed ideal state was tripartite, having in it the two leading classes of
Gender and Sexuality in Stoic Philosophy, 2018
International Journal of Social Science Research and Review
Plato is among the most influential philosophers in the course of history, and the range of his ideas about different issues makes other scholars impressed. Considering his various views on varied subjects, one can argue that many ideas of the thinkers originated from Plato’s ideas in the contemporary world. Plato, in different positions, discussed women and their equality with men, especially in Republic Book V. The study of the ideas makes one suppose that the book explores the roots of feminist theory. In Book V, Plato deals with the equality of women and men related to learning different issues and positions. Besides, he has discussed the children-sharing system resulting in the elimination of the private family system. Plato’s opinions are highly disputed; on the one hand, his ideas are considered feminist, and on the other hand, however, they are seen with no relation to feminist philosophy. The present paper aims to judge opinions related to women in the Republic Book V.
Hypatia reviews online, 2018
Plato’s “Republic” is generally held to promote equal education for men and women but to fall short of any sort of liberal feminism, since several passages demean women, and the education of women serves not their ends as individuals but the ends of the militaristic city. Based on (i) previously-unnoticed evidence of Socrates’ concern with gender in the transition from the “true,” “healthy” city to the unhealthy, “luxurious” city in Book 2 and (ii) an analysis of the different reasons given for the various roles of women in the first two “waves” of Book 5, I argue that Plato’s Socrates is in fact a visionary liberal feminist. It has not been noticed that in describing the citizens’ way of life in the “healthy” city in Book 2 Socrates suddenly emphasizes women’s (whether by nature or by Greek convention) domestic roles without ever mentioning women; in doing so, he hints that the needs men have for women is the topic he thinks should next be discussed in his and his interlocutors’ search for what justice is, since they have so far ignored it. When Glaucon interrupts to demand luxuries for the “men,” he ignores Socrates’ concern with women as autonomous exchange partners and goes on to endorse only women’s roles that provide men with pleasure and service. Subsequently “purifying” the city of luxury does nothing to remedy this omission. It is not until Book 5 that someone else – Polemarchus – finally notices that women’s roles in the city require further study. In response, Socrates derives proposals concerning women from various principles introduced earlier in the city in speech. By identifying these principles and their different origins (was it Socrates or Glaucon who first introduced them?), I distinguish elements of the treatment of women in Book 5 which Socrates would endorse from those he would not, for which Glaucon (and to some extent Adeimantus) is responsible. In the first wave, Socrates proposes equal education for women based on the principle in the “healthy” city that every individual should do what they are better at relative to others. In the second wave, Socrates proposes abolishing the private family based on Glaucon’s premises that the citizens should be managed like herd animals (see 372d, 451c) and that they should do so looking only to the interests of the city, not of the individuals within it. These premises are not compatible with Socrates’ own principles of autonomous exchange and specialization in the “healthy” city. These conclusions are supported by exhaustive philological analysis, which reveals that throughout the “Republic” Socrates quietly but consistently portrays men as ambitious, foolish, and obliviously unjust as compared to women, while by contrast he always refers to human beings as limited, imperfect beings. In sum, I seek to show that Socrates systematically hints at and wants to discuss how men should consider women to be equal, autonomous partners in exchanges of every kind (domestic, political, and pedagogical), but that such a discussion is repeatedly hindered by the androcentrism and misogyny of Glaucon and others. The Republic is a radical critique of ancient Athenian patriarchy that anticipates second wave feminism in the twentieth century.
Pacific Philosophical Quarterly, 2006
Plato’s discussion of women in the Republic is problematic. For one, arguments in Book V which purport to establish that women should guard and rule alongside men do not deliver the advertised conclusion. In addition, Plato asserts that women are “weaker in all pursuits” than men. Given this assumption, having women guard and rule seems inimical to the health, security, and goodness of the kallipolis. I argue that we best understand the inclusion of women by seeing how women’s inclusion contributes to the civic unity of the kallipolis. I further argue that Plato’s Laws reveals that (a) women will become more virtuous by doing similar jobs to men; and (b) women will be given lesser responsibilities than men in any polis approximating justice.
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