Vojislav Marinković and Italy, 1927-1932

Qualestoria, 2021

This article deals with Yugoslav-Italian relations in the second half of the 1930s, seen through the prism of relations between Yugoslav Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Milan Stojadinović (1935-1939) and Italian diplomacy and its representatives: Count Ciano, Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Italian envoys in Belgrade and some other officials who had contact with the Yugoslav Prime Minister. The relations between Milan Stojadinović and Italian diplomacy, especially with Count Ciano, were closer than established before in historiography. The two had a friendly relationship, which evolved both through direct contact and through intermediaries. They frequently exchanged opinions, and even documents, on topics of mutual interest, but there were also direct requests to work in accordance with Italian interests, as well as the interests of Yugoslavia.

Balcanica, 2016

This paper looks at Nikola Pašić’s views of and contribution to the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS/Yugoslavia after1929) during the latest phase of his political career, a subject that has been neglected by historians. His activities in this field are divided into two periods – during the Paris Peace Conference where he was the head of the SCS Kingdom’s delegation and after 1921 when he became Prime Minister, who also served as his own Foreign Minister. During the peace conference, Pašić held strong views on all the major problems that faced his delegation, particularly the troubled delimitation with Italy in the Adriatic. In early 1920, he alone favoured the acceptance of the so-called Lloyd George-Clemenceau ultimatum, believing that the time was working against the SCS Kingdom. The Rapallo Treaty with Italy late that year proved him right. Upon taking the reins of government, Pašić was energetic in opposing the two restoration attempts of Karl Habsburg in Hungary and persistent in trying to obtain northern parts of the still unsettled Albania. In time, his hold on foreign policy was weakening, as King Alexander asserted his influence, especially through the agency of Momčilo Ninčić, Foreign Minister after January 1922. Pašić was tougher that King and Ninčić in the negotiations with Mussolini for the final settlement of the status of the Adriatic town of Fiume and the parallel conclusion of the 27 January 1924 friendship treaty (the Pact of Rome). Since domestic politics absorbed much of his time and energy, the old Prime Minister was later even less visible in foreign policy. He was forced to resign in April 1926 on account of his son’s corruption scandal shortly before the final break-down of relations with Italy.

Journal of Modern Italian Studies, Volume 19, Issue 5, 2014

Considering the relations of two neighbouring countries with a difficult past and separated by ideological barriers, this article takes a look at the relations between Italy and Yugoslavia in a long perspective during the Cold War. The aim is to portray the development of relations from enmity after the Second World War to good neighbourly relations in Cold War Europe. Including new archival sources of Yugoslav origin, the article shows how mutual relations between Italy and Yugoslavia developed, considering the importance of economic factors, political ambitions, but also the impact of diplomatic agents and political leaders for cooperation on the Adriatic. Taking the international environment into account, the article shows that many developments leading to détente in Europe had indeed their precursors on the Adriatic. This makes the development of relations between Italy and Yugoslavia a success story during the Cold War which has hitherto not been thoroughly acknowledged in historiography.

Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studie, 2022

This paper analyzes policies of the yugoslav foreign ministers Momčilo Ninčić and Vojislav Marinković towards the ideas of the Balkan unity. Not only were both of them prominent political figures, but also economists and in several mandates ministers of finance, national economy, trade (and industry) and/or construction. Therefore the aim is to analyze their views on the political unification and economic cooperation between the Balkan states, and factors that provided opportunities or stood as constraints to the implementation of their plans. Chronologically, the paper covers the period from the beginning of the Locarno period in the Balkans to the beginning of the Balkan Conferences.

The day worth a century : 1. XII 1918. (Belgrade : Museum of Yugoslavia, 2019)

Although Italy and Serbia were allies in World War I, their relations were strained because of several disputed issues and particularly due to Italian aspirations to a large part of the eastern Adriatic coast, which was also being claimed by Serbia as part of its Yugoslav program. The Serbian Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Nikola Pašić strove to reach an agreement with Italy’s Foreign Minister Sonnino, but the latter was reluctant to give up on the promises made to Italy by the Allies in the Treaty of London. After Italian military defeats in late 1917, Italo-Yugoslav negotiations were taken over by the Yugoslav Committee and unofficial Italian representatives. As the results of these talks proved merely peripheral, the crucial factor was the development of the situation in the battlefield, and both Sonnino and Pašić stalled their decisions and waited for a clear outcome.

This article analyses Yugoslav cultural policy towards Italy in the period since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1947 until solving of the Trieste crisis in 1954. This period is characterised by a political crisis between Yugoslavia and Italy. One of the ways in which the Yugoslav government was trying to achieve its foreign policy goals in this period was the popularisation of Yugoslav culture in Italy. The article is written on the basis of unpublished documents from the Diplomatic Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Belgrade, Archives of Yugoslavia in Belgrade, published documents from the Archive of Yugoslavia and the relevant literature in Serbian, Slovenian, English and Italian languages.

Tokovi Istorije, 2012, n. 2, 2012

ITALY’S BALKAN STRATEGIES (19th – 20th Century), Edited by VOJISLAV G. PAVLOVIĆ, 2014

Abstract: The article describes relations between the Yugoslav and Italian government in the period between 1945 and 1947 in connection with the Trieste issue. Th e Trieste crisis erupted on 1 May 1945 between Yugoslavia and the Western Allies and went on to cause a conflict between the Great Powers. The entry of Yugoslav troops into Trieste reawakened the old territorial dispute between Yugoslavia and Italy. Th e trial of strength ensued in which both sides employed different tactics. Keywords: Yugoslavia, Italy, Trieste, Great Powers, foreign policy.

QUALESTORIA. Rivista di storia contemporanea. Anno XLIX, N.ro 1, Giugno 2021. L’Italia e la Jugoslavia tra le due guerre, 2021

The Yugoslav prime minister (and foreign minister), Milan Stojadinović, and Italian foreign minister, Galeazzo Ciano, signed a friendship agreement on 25 March 1937, ushering in an atmosphere of confidence between the two formerly hostile countries. This rapprochement resulted from the changing international constellation: the resurgent Germany was expected to annex Austria and become a powerful neighbour to both countries. Ciano and Stojadinović struck close personal relations which no doubt buttressed the solidity of their agreement. Moreover, Ciano believed that Stojadinović was inclined towards authoritarian concept of power. There were also increasing signs that the Stojadinović regime was acquiring some fascist trappings in line with the new course of foreign policy. Indeed, Prince Regent, Paul, dropped Stojadinović from the government in February 1939 because he came to believe that his premier was intent on becoming a fascist dictator. This paper will explore whether there was substance to the often repeated accusations that Stojadinović was sliding towards fascism. Much of these accusations were centred on his foreign policy, especially his cordial relations with the fascist regime in Italy and, to a lesser extent, with Nazi Germany. Therefore, this paper will analyse, on the one hand, to what extent Stojadinović aligned Yugoslavia's conduct of foreign affairs with Rome's foreign policy and, on the other, to what degree the Yugoslav-Italian rapprochement was reflected in internal developments which might smack of fascism. The analysis will be undertaken with reference to the recent and influential theories of fascism.

Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, 2013

The theme of the Yugoslav Albanian relations, during the years 1925-1926, is of interest to researchers because it is interesting issues, broader, multilateral, and encompassing, not only in the Balkans but also further Balkans. During this period, we have a bitter political rivalry between Italy and Yugoslavia, in connection with their influenced the political, economic and ownership of concessions in Albania. For the political system pikepmaja, Albania, had just declared presidential republic, government headed by Ahmet Zog.