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2007, French History
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Blood and Violence in Early Modern France presents a comprehensive analysis of noble violence during the early modern period, challenging long-held beliefs about the nature of violence and its regulation by the state. The research shows that the transition to a modern society did not equate to a decline in personal and collective violence among the nobility, contradicting the notion of a civilizing process. Through extensive archival research, the book uncovers the complexities of noble violence, including the fluidity between different noble classes, the prominence of duels, and the persistent culture of vengeance and honor. Finally, it urges historians to rethink the dynamics of absolutism and the relationship between the crown and the nobility.
Reformation, 2008
The Legal History Review, 1983
“Response to Jay M. Smith’s Review of Warrior Pursuits: Noble Culture and Civil Conflict in Early Modern France,” H-France Review Vol. 11 (November 2011), No. 246.
The Cambridge World History of Violence, ed. Richard W. Kaeuper and Harriet Zurndorfer, vol. 2 of The Cambridge World History of Violence, 4 vols. (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge), 2020
This chapter discusses violence associated with the exercise of lordship and the culture of nobility in Europe from ca. 500-1500. For most of the twentieth century, historians argued that lordly violence rose and fell in inverse proportion to the power of ‘sovereign’ rulers, such as kings and emperors. It is now recognized that aristocrats in general and lords in particular played roles in medieval societies and polities that made their use of violence not just tolerable but also necessary. The practice of ‘feud’ has also come in for reassessment, increasingly understood not as anarchic or usurpatory, but re-envisaged as rule-based and self-limiting. Yet, if seigneurial violence now appears much more socially productive and politically intelligible to historians, it is important to realize that the exercise and experience of seigneurial violence varied a great deal according to social position and context. Aristocratic women were less likely than aristocratic men to be involved in such conflicts, and non-aristocrats, of both sexes, bore the brunt of the violence. This essay proceeds chronologically, examining changes in the ideas and practices that shaped how lords and nobles used violence in different regions.
Crime, Histoire et Sociétés: Crime, History and Societies, 2013
Some forty years ago Natalie Zemon Davis published an article in Past & Present that opened up a new approach to the religious wars that tore France apart during the second half of the sixteenth century. Infl uenced by socio-cultural approaches and perspectives, as well as her own personal experience, 'The Rites of Violence' provided a fresh interpretation of the causes, enactment and perception of confessional violence during this confl ict. Professor Davis demonstrated that, faced with the threat of heresy or the assurance of the Reformed faith, rival confessional communities sought to establish their hegemony over each other and that violence was encouraged by religious leaders and vigorously pursued by their adherents. This infl uential essay has helped to shape our understanding of religious violence not only in the late sixteenth century but also in other periods. This volume provides a new assessment of religious violence by leading historians of early modern France. Building upon a generation of research, they explore new questions and dimensions of the religious strife of the late sixteenth century. Contributors consider not only the circumstances in which religious confl ict and violence developed, but also why it did not emerge in other places. They assess diff erent aspects of the internecine confl ict in France, including their judicial and sexual dimensions. Further themes include the emergence of religious coexistence as a real alternative to religious violence: confl ict resolution and appeasement; the diff usion of communal tensions; and initiatives for social reconstruction. Providing an important reappraisal of violence and religious confl ict in early modern France, this volume also suggests new avenues of research and points of comparison for those interested in these issues in other contexts, cultures, and arenas.
2013
One cannot study the history of political ideas without confronting the perennial question of how to legitimately establish a political regime. Machiavelli’s affirmation that political instauration seems inevitably tainted by violence is particularly relevant as we reflect on the events surrounding the momentous inauguration of the French Republic, especially as we consider the apparent inconsistencies inherent to the use of violence in instituting the Enlightenment values of liberty, equality and the rights of citizens. A great paradox of the French Revolution is how it “unleashed violence that reflected ancient ideas about bloodshed,” while simultaneously helping to “give rise to one of the first modern republics.” 1 According to Jesse Goldhammer, author of The Headless Republic: Sacrificial Violence in Modern French Thought, the revolutionary leaders reached for an ancient conception of sacrifice as a way to channel violence into political power and legitimacy, eventually spirali...
A History of Emotions 1200-1800, edited by Jonas Liliequist (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2012), 119-134., 2012
People [in the Middle Ages] are wild, cruel, prone to violent outbreaks and abandoned to the joy of the moment. ... Not only among the nobility were there family vengeances, private feuds, vendettas. The towns were no less rife with wars between families and cliques. The little people, too -the hatters, the tailors, the shepherds -were all quick to draw their knives. 1
Ecclesia et Violentia: Violence against the Church and Violence within the Church in the Middle Ages, ed. Radosław Kotecki and Jacek Maciejewski, Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2014
It is a well known fact that medieval clergymen felt the need to seek protection from violent secular lords. They often complained about the aggression and violence of nobles, and we read their complaints and lamentations as recorded in chronicles, vitae of saints and letters about dangerous and brutal men. 1 However, sometimes members of the clergy complained of them more directly to other secular lords. How did they do this, and using what means or ideas did they attempt to legitimise their actions? What were the aims of such endeavours? How did they perceive the formulated complaints and how did others perceive them? What were the reactions? These are the questions that will be addressed in this paper.
When Georges Duby died, I was moved to read once again the book that first made his reputation and that for many medievalists represents his masterpiece, La société aux XIe et XIIe siècles dans la région mâconnaise . This book was in many ways the fons et origo of two 1 generations of French medieval social history, the model for untold numbers of theses on "la terre et les hommes" in one region or another of Europe, many published and many more that will probably never be completed. For the social and political history of the tenth and eleventh centuries in France, 2 the Mâconnais created what we may call the "standard model." Although Duby himself was very cautious about using the word "feudal," out of his description of the transformation of Burgundian society around the year 1000 eventually came the dominating picture of the mutation féodale, Englished as the "feudal revolution." 3 Violence and the social means by which it was controlled, if not a major topic in the pages Duby devoted to the tenth and eleventh centuries, figure prominently among the assumptions that guide his argument. They continue to lurk -quietly or not -on the fringes or at the heart of many discussions of the "feudal revolution." The path from the Mâconnais to the [244] subject of this conference, therefore, inevitably leads to a detour through the terminology and definition of "feudalism." In following this side road, I do not intend to go back over the ground long ago plowed by Elizabeth A.R. Brown and more recently by Susan Reynolds concerning the use of the words "feudal" and "feudalism" and the concepts they refer to. But before I turn to the large question of 4 how our developing understanding of the processes of violence and reconciliation in the eleventh and
Vengeance in the Middle Ages, S Throop & P Hyams (eds), 2010
Memoria y civilización: anuario de historia de la …, 1999
The period after the fall of the Roman Empire is still widely regarded as one of untrammelled violence. In some formulations it is (to caricature the approach only slightly) thought that the end of Roman civilization was followed by a period wherein: 'the labours and happiness of peaceful development are ... wiped out by the upburst of elemental passions which have only slumbered. The long tranquillity of the Roman sway ended in the violence and darkness of the Middle Age' 2 .
Political Ritual and Practice in Capetian France: Essays in Honour of Elizabeth A. R. Brown, ed. M. Cecilia Gaposchkin & Jay Rubenstein (Brepols), 2021
In the judicial duel, procedure and ceremony collapsed into one another in a way that had powerful resonances for the later Capetians kings of France. What bothered King Louis IX and his grandson Philip IV about duel was its violent and vengeful aspects. What allowed Philip IV and his son Philip V to reconsider was duel’s discrete and formal practice. It was this that allowed their governments to decouple judicial duel from seigneurial (private) war. Although war was similar to duel in being an avenue for the violent pursuit of one’s rights, it differed in its wider scope and therefore essentially uncontrollable nature. Duel’s dual nature as ritual and procedure thus ensured its survival in the courts of later medieval France. Duel’s formalism also meant that it could serve to express chivalric values like honour, bravery, and luxury. These aspects may help to explain duel’s renewed efflorescence in the early modern period, in which duelling became an avenue for the vindication of aristocratic honour. The development of an elaborate, aristocratic ceremonial practice, however, happened much later than has been previously understood. Indeed, chivalric spectacle is only one aspect of the later medieval history of duel, a subject that requires fuller study.
This book reassesses the relationship between the late medieval rise of the state in France and aristocratic violence. Although it is often assumed that resurgent royal government eliminated so-called private warfare, the French judicial archives reveal nearly 100 such wars waged in Languedoc and the Auvergne from the mid-thirteenth through the fourteenth century. Royal administrators often intervened in these wars, but not always in order to suppress ‘private violence’ in favour of ‘public justice’. Their efforts were strongly shaped by the recognition of elites’ own power and legitimate prerogatives, and elites were often fully complicit with royal intervention. Much of the engagement between royal officers and local elites came through informal processes of negotiation and settlement, rather than through the coercive imposition of official justice. The expansion of royal authority was due as much to local cooperation as to conflict, a fact that ensured its survival during the fourteenth-century’s crises
2017
L'étude des duels d'honneur et des violences entre courtisans à la cour de Charles II d'Angleterre en exil aux Pays-Bas espagnols à la fin des années 1650 éclaire les relations de pouvoir et d'honneur entre les souverains et leurs élites à l'époque moderne. En étudiant les suites de deux duels qui, directement ou indirectement, concernaient un noble irlandais, Théobald, vicomte de Taaffe, cet article examine les motifs de ces violences et le point de savoir si l'exil a modifié les pratiques de duel au sein de celle-ci. Il éclaire aussi la manière dont les nobles défendaient leur implication dans ces conflits et les efforts de Charles II, pater familias de cette cour royale, pour les prévenir ou les contrôler. En définitive, cette étude remet en cause la thèse de Norbert Elias visant la manière dont les familles royales civilisaient et contrôlaient les pulsions violentes de l'élite et de la noblesse qui leur était attachée. Elle conclut en effet que Charles II partageait la même conception de l'honneur que ses courtisans, ce qui implique qu'en dépit de ses efforts pour les contrôler, il ne pouvait dénier à son entourage le droit de défendre sa réputation et sa position sociale d'une manière socialement acceptable, telle que le duel. Through an examination of honour duels and violence between the courtiers within Charles II's exiled court in late 1650s Spanish Netherlands, this article casts light on the power and honour relationships between monarchs and their elites in the early-modern period. It does this by primarily studying the fallout from two duels that, directly or indirectly, involved an Irish nobleman, Theobald Viscount Taaffe. The article considers the reasons that motivated elite violence in this court and also examines if exile changed duelling practices within it. It also throws light on how the courtiers defended their involvement in such clashes. The efforts of the pater familias of this royal household, Charles II, to prevent or limit such violent behaviour are
2021
V. G. Kiernan, The Duel in European History. Honour and the Reign of Aristocracy, Oxford: Oxford University Press 1988. This book is an ambitious attempt to trace the history of duelling practices from primitive times to the present. Kiernan 's central aim is to account for the emergence and the demise of the modern duel peculiar to the West, and to determine its social functions. As he points out, the history of the topic has received insufficient attention by modern scholars of the nobility. This neglect is all the more surprising as the duel "distilled an essential part of the moral life of a dass , a civilization, a long span of history" (p. 326), and because it "became a unique point of convergence of political, social, artistic, and many other currents" (p. 327).
2017
Debates over the issue of violence in late medieval and early modern England tend to focus on ways that the legal system and institutions attempted to control it, or on the influence of wider political or economic forces that generated violence and criminality. This overlooks, or minimises, the cultural and social meaning of violence, particularly as it was performed by members of the social elite. This thesis re-evaluates the meaning of violence for socially elite performers of violence, their victims, and their audiences through a survey of case studies drawn from the records of the central Court of King's Bench and other sources. Using research drawn from criminology, anthropology, and sociology, meaning is found in the performances of violence and their contexts. This method contrasts with previous attempts at studying violence quantitatively or through the lens of the civilizing process. Violence is a form of communication and the way violence is performed communicates mean...
Journal of Social History 44, no. 1 (2010): 288-90.
This article considers the implications of both Catholic and Calvinist types of violence during the Reformation of mid-Sixteenth-Century France. Historical texts and academic discourses exhibit the extent to which French Catholics tended to enact physical torment on their Huguenot victims, whereas French Huguenots typically assaulted their Christian counterparts through iconoclasm and symbolic desecration of sacred objects. From these perspectives, my interest is in the multiple violent acts, which were not sadistic or pathological attempts to inflict agony on religious opponents, but were initially fundamental concerns for establishing and maintaining religious uniformity and orthodoxy through purgative actions. Analysis of such historical violence through individual Christian writings at this time is conducive to understanding attempts at Church reform in France, especially with consideration of the religious dynamics on the part of both Catholics and Protestants. These actions culminated in political, social and religious transformations and confrontations that have come to designate the European Reformations.
Journal of Early Modern History, 2007
Press, 2005), xiv + 225 pp.; ISBN 0 8223 3459 3 (hardback), 0 8223 3471 2 (paperback). Sometimes one of the hardest concepts for students to grasp when studying history is that the systems and structures laid before them by historians do not always reflect the reality of a functioning system. History is not science. People are always people and cannot be expected to act according to a neat trajectory. A Tale of Two Murders by James Farr is an excellent resource for illuminating this point. In it, he provides full details of the actual functioning of one of the most complex structures of Early Modern Europe, the judiciary. Sometimes these details come close to overwhelming in their tedium, but that is part of the point: justice was never concise, nor swift in seventeenth-century France, and wading through evidence and counter-evidence was as tough a job then as it is now. Farr's major point in this regard comes towards the very end of the work, in the section titled "Analytical Essay" (pp. 195-204), in which he discusses the task of the historian to use whatever documentary evidence survives to sift truth from fiction. Farr highlights the role of the historian not as discovering truth for its own sake, but as a way of understanding how "facts" were presented at the time in order to best represent their reality, either as they believed it was, or perhaps as they wished it was: the "management of perceptions" (p. 200). As such this book is a useful teaching tool for students first approaching history as a discipline, aided by its easy reading style and the drama of its subject. The basis for A Tale of Two Murders is a series of documents Farr came across in the departmental archives in Dijon. Two men vanished in the autumn of 1638, Pierre Baillet and his valet Neugot. Baillet was one of the most prominent men in Burgundy, as a Président of the Chambre des Comptes and a major landowner. The chief suspect was his cousin Philippe Giroux, also a senior official in the provincial judiciary. The two men represented the pinnacles of power in seventeenthcentury Burgundy, and were linked via blood, politics, and an alleged passion for a woman. Marie Fyot, wife of Baillet, was herself a member of one of Burgundy's leading robe families, and a key player in this murder drama. Farr makes the point early on that this is a matter of
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