Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.
To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.
2021, Britannia
https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068113X21000027…
3 pages
1 file
This article examines the phenomenon of so-called North African-style pottery made in early third-century York. The pottery, which was produced in significant quantities in late Ebor ware, is strikingly different from vessels in circulation in Roman Britain and the north-west provinces – so much so that the late Vivien Swan argued that it was ‘made by Africans for the use of Africans’. The present study reassesses the evidence of ceramic genealogical influences, production waste, fabric supply, consumption patterns and contextual finds associations. The results shed new light on the manufacture and use of late Ebor ware by York’s military community, qualifying claims made about the repertoire’s links with novel culinary practices, cultural diversity and the unique historical circumstances of Severan York.
2014
The beginning of the early modern period saw a shift in trading patterns and contacts between North-West Europe and the Mediterranean. This paper explores the role of ceramic imports in charting these transformations, investigating changes in supply, acquisition and use through a variety of documentary and archaeological sources. The findspots and frequency of imports are used as a means to explore the social context of their consumption.
The publications of J.W. Hayes, J.W. Salomonson and the “Atlante delle forme ceramiche I” (EAA) remain the main sources of reference for any study of ARS ware of the 3rd century. The classification of fabrics, as instituted by A. Carandini, L. Saguì and S. Tortorella in 1981 on the basis of the material from excavations at Ostia, is not always straightforward in its application to North African sigillata of fabrics A (A1, A2, A1/2) and A/D, as well as C (C1, C2, C3) and C/E. As the centres of production of types A and A/D, presumed in the hinterland of Carthage, remain undiscovered, any judgement on the development of sigillata in the 3rd century is made more difficult. Yet it remained beyond doubt that the high-quality, plain or appliqué-decorated sigillata of fabric C1-C3 (including A/C, the so-called el-Aouja ware) was produced in central Tunisian workshops. Notable progress was achieved by the British-Tunisian survey, which located several new production centres in central Tunisia. Yet the repertoire of forms and decorations of the workshops at Djilma and Sidi Marzouk Tounsi, presented in 1990, is by no means representative, especially for the 3rd century. Furthermore, the outset of production was not defined, while the organisational structures as well as the reasons for the foundation of these pottery production centres remain unclear. Different approaches with varying methodology, however, enable a more extensive appraisal and presentation of the range of forms and decorations of the 3rd century, which is to be attempted here. Utilizing archaeometric investigations such as quantitative chemical analyses of main and trace elements, it was possible to form reference groups specific to each pottery workshop. Earlier A/D forms as well as C1 and C2 forms are in evidence for Djilma, while no C1 forms with appliqués were found. For Sidi Marzouk Tounsi, on the other hand, there are only the characteristic open C1 and C2 forms, as well as few thin-walled closed el-Aouja forms (C1). Both chemical analysis and the use of C1 appliqués on the C3 goblet Löffler 591 have shown Sidi Marzouk Tounsi as the only production centre for appliqué decorated C1 and C2 sigillata (el-Aouja ware) in central Tunisia. This means that plain and appliqué decorated sigillata was produced in different workshops (officinae) at this site since the early 3rd century – and not since the mid 3rd century as previously believed. It is reasonable to propose continuous development throughout the 3rd century. Obviously a wide range of forms was produced here, while the manufacturing potential of the site enabled cutting edge development, perfection, modification and combination of various techniques of decoration – from feather-rouletting and appliqué decoration to incised and stamped decoration.
SUMMARY: A detailed examination of an assemblage of pottery deposited during the last quarter of the 17th century at Bombay Wharf, in Rotherhithe, London, provides the opportunity to look at the wider context of painted earthenwares made at selected centres on the Continent and found in London. The Rotherhithe material includes a high proportion of imported pottery, with fine examples of Portuguese faience, Ligurian maiolica and Dutch tin-glazed ware. The wider distribution of these wares in London is considered, as well as questions of the original context in which they appeared and the circumstances of their disposal.
The Chiming of Crack'd Bells: Recent approaches to the study of artefacts in archaeology, 2014
This paper was originally published in a monograph edited by Paul Blinkhorn and myself. The volume is now apparently out of print. The full reference is: Cumberpatch, C.G. 2014 Tradition and Change: the production and consumption of early modern pottery in South and West Yorkshire In: P. Blinkhorn and C. Cumberpatch (Eds.) The Chiming of Crack'd Bells: Recent approaches to the study of artefacts in archaeology BAR International Series 2677 Archaeopress
Ceramics and Atlantic Connections: Late Roman and Early Medieval Imported Pottery on the Atlantic Seaboard, International Symposium Newcastle University, March 26th-27th 2014, 2020
Since the 1930s there has been a long history of research on imported Mediterranean pottery found at early medieval sites in Britain and Ireland. Nevertheless, it is clear that the limited amount of information available from other regions of the Atlantic seaboard has affected interpretations of this material, particularly influencing the models constructed for contact and exchange in the Atlantic-and between this region and the Mediterranean. This paper will summarise the history of this research in Britain, focusing on the search for Atlantic parallels for the British finds, and the use of Continental data-or its absence-in the formation of models for the transport of these wares. Recent research from the south of Devon will be discussed, specifically to consider the potential of new or reassessed data for re-evaluating connections between southwest Britain, the Atlantic and the Mediterranean. This article will highlight the potential of information emerging from the Atlantic region for new understandings of the complexity of exchange mechanisms operating along the western sea-lanes between the fifth and seventh centuries. 1. THE STUDY OF LATE MEDITERRANEAN IMPORTS TO BRITAIN 1.1 AN EARLIER 'ATLANTIC SYMPOSIUM' In September 1959 approximately thirty people, described to be 'mostly professional workers in the period' gathered at the Royal Institution of Cornwall in Truro, Britain, for a conference entitled 'Early Medieval Pottery in the Celtic West of Britain'; the details of this event were subsequently conveyed in a note in Antiquity by Charles Thomas (1960). Eight papers were presented, summarising research on this topic since the end of the Second World War. These were seen by Thomas to represent a 'progress report' rather than a 'final pronouncement on the theme' (Thomas 1960: 59). The subject was introduced by C.A. Ralegh Radford, whose excavations at Tintagel, Cornwall, had led to the first identifications of Mediterranean pottery in the southwest of Britain (see Ralegh Radford 1956). His talk, unsurprisingly, focused on the connection with the 'Celtic Church'; he had interpreted Tintagel as a major monastic site (a model which would later be rejected), and therefore considered the imported amphorae and fine wares as indicators of trade driven by ecclesiastical connections (Ralegh Radford 1956: 59, 68-9). Thomas' review comments that 'within this framework' the other speakers described a complex sequence of Mediterranean imports and local products (Thomas 1960: 59). His own presentation outlined the alphabetic classification system for the pottery-initially developed by Radford, refined by Thomas, and which largely remained in use in British archaeology until Ewan Campbell's 2007 publication-before going on to consider the potential sources for the various wares and their chronology. The imports found in Ireland, principally at Lagore and Garranes, were summarised by Michael J. O'Kelly, while Leslie Alcock discussed the Welsh evidence. Only one presentation considered possible Continental parallels for the British and Irish finds. Bernard Wailes, conducting doctoral research at the University of Cambridge, delivered a paper on examples of contemporary pottery in France, which was reported by Thomas as '…the first coherent account of the pottery of post-Gallo-Roman France, where imprecise differentiation of the various late wares descended from terra sigillata, and confusion with Visigothic wares had obscured the picture.' (Thomas 1960: 59). Phocaean Red Slip ware/Late Roman C/LRC) to North African pottery (amphorae and African Red Slip ware/ARS), was observed to be the reverse of the typical pattern in the West Mediterranean (Fulford 1989: 3). This argued against a model of redistribution from a western or Atlantic port and positioned the inspiration for contact and exchange firmly in the northeast Mediterranean. Trade with Britain-based on the acquisition of tin-was seen to be a 'deliberate objective' of certain voyages from the East (Fulford 1989: 4). Fulford, nevertheless, did raise the possibility of future discoveries along the 'Atlantic seaways', commenting that the absence of equivalent finds was 'puzzling' but might prove a 'temporary aberration' (Fulford 1989: 3). His discussion notes the group of LRC from Conimbriga in Portugal-describing it as the only other 'notable incidence' of LRC on the Atlantic-and mentions a sherd of Late Roman 1 amphora (LRA1) found at l'Île Lavret,
A discussion of the distribution of pottery types in high medieval (c1250-1350) and late medieval (c1350-1500) Southampton is presented, drawing on recently analysed assemblages from the east of Southampton and previously published material. By placing the pottery within a national and international context it is demonstrated that different ware types and vessel forms have varying degrees of utility as tools for understanding the social dynamics of a medieval town.
African Sites: Archaeology in the Caribbean, 1999
Examination of the changing patterns of pottery consumption in late Saxon and early medieval Oxford, and a discussion of the way that it reflected the cultural origins and identities of the users
British Archaeological Reports – International Series 1143 (Archaeopress, 2003)
6 SUMMARY 135 BIBLIOGRAPHY 137 PLATES Plates 1-2 APPENDICES Appendix 1. Find catalogue (with Plates 3-16) v LIST OF TABLES 1. The distribution of African cookware by chronological phases. 9 2. Variables recorded from each African cookware vessel in the study assemblage. 10 3. The structure of fabric descriptions 18 4. Chronological distribution of Central Tunisian fabric variants. 20 5. Electron probe microanalyses of African cookware. 23 6. Fragmentation of the A.I-III series by phases. 33 7. The size and the distribution of plain or thickened North Tunisian lids. 34 8. The size and the distribution of everted, heavily enlarged North Tunisian lids. 38 9. The size and the distribution of Central Tunisian lids. 41 10. The size and the distribution of miscellaneous lids. 45 11. The size and the distribution of lid knobs. 46 12. The size and the distribution of ring handles. 47 13. The size and the distribution of the Hayes 181 pans. 49 14. The size and the distribution of the Hayes 26/181 pan-casseroles. 50 15. The size and the distribution of the Hayes 23A shallow casseroles. 52 16. The size and the distribution of the Hayes 23B shallow casseroles. 53 17. Surfacing of the standard Hayes 23B shallow casserole. 55 18. The size and the distribution of the Hayes 194 deep casseroles. 56 19. The size and the distribution of the Hayes 193 deep casseroles. 57 20. The size and the distribution of the proto-Hayes 197 deep casseroles. 59 21. The size and the distribution of the Hayes 197 minor deep casseroles. 59 22. The size and the distribution of the Hayes 197 deep casseroles. 60 23. The size and the distribution of late Roman deep casseroles. 63 24. The size and the distribution of the Hayes 199 deep casseroles. 63 25. The size and the distribution of miscellaneous North Tunisian casseroles. 64 26. The size and the distribution of Central Tunisian deep casseroles. 66 27. The size and the distribution of miscellaneous Central Tunisian cooking vessels. 68 28. The size and the distribution of cooking basins. 69 29. The size and the distribution of trefoil-mouthed pitchers. 70 30. The size and the distribution of handles. 70 31. The size and the distribution of bases. 71 32. The distribution of the principal African cookware forms. 71 33. The average rim diameter of selected North Tunisian forms. 73 34. West-Central Italian imitations of African cookware. 74 35. The share of West-Central Italian imitations in the study assemblage. 75 36. Surface finishes of African cookware lids. 76 37. Combinations of soot distribution on African cookware lids. 77 38. The intensity of soot on different surface areas. 77 39. The frequency of different types of use-wear. 78 40. The frequency of use-wear on the most common lid variants. 78 41. The use of groups A-D as indicated by various parameters. 79 42. The ratio of African cooking vessels and their lids. 82 43. Comparisons of slip/vessel body composition. 96 44. Two comparisons of patina cenerognola/vessel body composition. 100 45. A comparison of transportation costs. 106 46. The study assemblage quantified with three methods. 116 47. The relative distribution of African cookware productions. 117 vi 48. Examples of quantified deposits with African cookware in Rome. 118 49. Examples of quantified deposits with African cookware at Ostia and Portus. 119 50. Examples of quantified deposits with African cookware in Spain.
2020
Michel BONIFAY, Centre Camille Jullian, (Aix Marseille Univ, CNRS, MCC, CCJ, F-13000, Aix-en-Provence, France) Miguel Ángel CAU, Institució Catalana de Recerca i Estudis Avançats (ICREA)/Equip de Recerca Arqueològica i Arqueomètrica, Universitat de Barcelona (ERAAUB) Paul REYNOLDS, Institució Catalana de Recerca i Estudis Avançats (ICREA)/Equip de Recerca Arqueològica i Arqueomètrica, Universitat de Barcelona (ERAAUB)
This paper is concerned with the distribution of BB1 pottery (made in Dorset) to the northern frontiers of Roman Britain. It is argued that this distribution only makes sense within a command economy that needed commodities such as salt and salted foodstuffs as military supplies.
Pottery studies can illuminate a number of key themes in early medieval archaeology, here I will focus on trade, mobility and identity. Recent studies have demonstrated that the traditional role of pottery as a dating tool both under utilises its potential and can also lead to misinformed chronologies. Instead, I will demonstrate how elements of pottery manufacture, exchange and deposition and the techniques used to study these, including quantitative analysis, petrographic study and distribution analysis can be used to address wider questions. This will draw on my own research (focussed on southern England) as well as other recent studies and more well known research. The presentation is aimed at non-specialists and will demonstrate how ceramic data can be applied to an increasingly wide range of archaeological questions and hopefully show that pottery is an important archaeological resource and not simply a dating tool.
Pottery ware groupings are fuzzy sets, sherds are attributed to a particular group based upon their correlation to a type sherd, or prototype. Are these prototypes archaeologically relevant and does this change through the biography of a given object? I take a biographical approach to interpret the past categorisation of two early medieval pottery types found in early medieval Southampton (UK). By comparing the distribution of late Saxon coarseware (which continues in use into the twelfth century) and Anglo-Norman scratch marked ware, I will demonstrate that people in the town did not conform to a single prototype in their selection of coarseware pottery. I will then compare the distribution of these ceramic prototypes with that of cooking practices, to demonstrate that the method of cooking and thus the way people categorised their cooking vessels differs along similar lines. Finally, I will consider how these vessels are re-categorised in deposition, either demonstrating that they form part of an amorphous category of functional waste or infer that these vessels were perceived as disposable commodities. When set against the historical and archaeological context it will be demonstrated that a biographical approach to categorisation has great potential in the interpretation of medieval ceramic assemblages.
Loading Preview
Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.