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2007
'Denmark proper' to refer to Denmark without including Norway), or the term 'Oldenburg state' when discussing the entire conglomerate state. For place names, I have generally employed common English-language equivalents where they exist-e.g. Copenhagen instead of København-with the single exception of Helsingør, which for various reasons I prefer to the English 'Elsinore'. The same holds true for titles of Danish and Norwegian political offices, except for rigshofmester, simply because it does not translate well into English. See the Glossary for brief explications of such terms. For the spellings of personal names, I have relied on the standard versions employed in Povl Engelstoft and Svend Dahl (eds.), Dansk biografisk leksikon, 23 vols. (Copenhagen: Gad, 1933-44). Since Denmark did not adopt the Gregorian calendar until 1700, I have kept all dates in the Old Style, in accordance with the Julian calendar. The basic monetary unit used in this text is the Danish rigsdaler, closely equivalent both to the Swedish riksdaler and the German Reichsthaler; four Danish rigsdaler were the rough equivalent of one English pound. Scandinavian orthography can cause some problems for those not familiar with the language, especially since Nordic characters have changed over time. 'Å' is a modern convention for 'aa' (pronounced much like a long 'o' in English); 'ø' is close to the German 'ö'; and the 'ae' ligature is very similar to the German 'ä'. In Icelandic names and terms, I have retained both the 'eth', or soft 'd' ('ð'), and the 'thorn' ('þ', instead of the transliteration 'th'). I would like to express my gratitude to the many individuals who have made this work possible, through gifts of time, advice, and encouragement. My friends in Denmark have been the most important source of counsel for me over the twenty years in which I have pursued the study of Danish history. I cannot possibly name all of them here, but I should extend special thanks to:
Onoma, 2020
In Denmark the old Nordic names used since the Viking Age are estimated to represent only 5-10% of the names by the end of the Middle Ages (i.e. 1536 in Denmark). The oldest Danish census with the total population's names from 1787 along with the so-called Jessen Reports from the 1740s, which contain reports of uncommon personal names around the country, provide insight into the diversity and continuity of Nordic names that still existed, but were hidden under a thick layer of extremely frequent Christian names. This is the period before the so-called Nordic Name Renaissance, that with the national romanticism in the 1800s, resumed many Nordic names-often in a(n) (adapted) Norse form-e.g., Gunhild, Gyda, and Helge vs. Danish Gundel, Gye, and Helle. In this study, name examples are examined in the two 1700s sources to illuminate the geographical distribution and the linguistic as well
National Identities, 2009
This article provides a review of the debate among Danish historians on the emergence of the Danish nation. It places this debate in the context of the distinction between patriotism and nationalism, much discussed by many scholars of nationalism.
The period from 991 to 1013 is an interesting era in Nordic history writing. Through a series of Viking raids to England, the successful result was to yield the Anglo-Saxon king Ethelred II to pay 134,000 pounds of silver in tributes - called 'danegæld' - equivalent to about 32,160,000 silver coins. In the Old Danish landscapes, a number of finds have been counted to nearly 5,650 silver coins - so-called pennies - all of which can be identified as Anglo-Saxon coins made (struck) by Ethelred II, who was the king in the period 978-1016. One hypothesis is that a significant part of the larger Anglo-Saxon findings is supposed to be related to the payment of ‘danegæld’ - and the dispersion may reveal, from which areas in Scandinavia the warriors were recruited. This analysis is a critical review of the era in which the Gorm genus consolidated Denmark.
Umisteligt – Festskrift til Erland Kolding Nielsen. Edited by John T. Lauridsen and Olaf Olsen, 2007
Two texts of Eneas Silvius Piccolomini on Denmark are presented. One is the chapter on the Danish king, Eric VII of Pomerania, from De Viris Illustribus, and the other is the chapter on Denmark and the other Scandinavian realms from De Europa. The two texts form the basis of a picture of Denmark as held by an international European personality towards the middle of the 15th century.
2011
For most of the Viking Age, Denmark's internal political structures are only exposed through their interactions with those of other states in possession of a textual tradition, and its contemporary systems of economic activity can largely be inferred only from the archaeological record. However, by applying an interpretive framework which relates these two aspects of social activity, it may be possible to make inferences regarding gaps in the historical record concerning each.
by the Great Powers in 1814 was that of a semi-core in an empire. The premise on which this article is based is that Denmark and Norway were both polities, with a polity being a social unit that has 'a distinct identity; a capacity to mobilize persons, that is for value satisfaction; and a degree of institutionalization and hierarchy (leaders and constituents)' (Ferguson and Mansbach 1996: 34). The first step in this analysis is to demonstrate that, although the term itself was not in use, the unfolding meanings of empire in early modern Europe applied to Denmark: It participated fully in the European global expansion in the first colonial period, and retained (and retains) an empire around its core area. Hence, Denmark was an empire in a conceptual sense. The second step is to apply the analytical literature on empire to Denmark and to demonstrate that, in an analytical sense as well, Denmark was indeed an empire. Having established what kind of polity Denmark was, the third step is to determine the status of the Norwegian polity within it. We draw once again on the analytical literature on empire, whose starting point is that empires consist of a core, as well as of a number of peripheries whose closeness to the core varies. Analytically, the question of Norway's place within the empire presents itself as a question of closeness to the core. It is immediately clear that Norway was much closer to the core than a formal colony like the Danish West Indies or an informal one like Greenland. It is also clear that Norway was drawn closer and closer to the imperial centre throughout the eighteenth century. Indeed, it is harder to imagine a part of an empire being closer to an imperial core than Norway was to Copenhagen. Drawing on previous work by Andersen, we therefore conclude by suggesting the term semi-core to account for Norway's place within the Danish empire. Conceptual Empire 1 1 1 This article hails from the project 'Manning the State', financed by the Norwegian Research Council. We should like to thank the other participants, Rebecca Adler-Nissen, Halvard Leira and Ann Towns, for their input. We also thank Elettra Carboni, Ruth Hemstad and our reviewers for comments. All translations from Scandinavian languages are our own.
Abstract of paper presented at the 15th Interdisciplinary Aarhus Student Symposium On Viking And Medieval Scandinavian Subjects in 2022
Amazon, Kindle, Degarandishan Publishing House, 2019
Jogtörténeti Szemle, 2021
The origins of the medieval Norse term dönsk tunga (‘common Scandinavian language’) are obscure, but the term may indicate that the term ‘Danes’ once referred generically to Germanic-speaking Scandinavians. An original tribal name ‘Danes’ may have evolved this meaning with the emergence of a pan-Scandinavian identity focused on developments in southern Scandinavia during the pre-Viking period, much as the Germanic language of Britain came to be known as ‘English’ regardless of its speakers’ continental tribal ancestry. By the Viking Age, political developments may have ended such a generic meaning for ‘Danes’, though the use was fossilzed in dönsk tunga.
History of European Ideas, 1995
Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, 1985
This article (from 1985) is a continuation of my work on Saxo Grammaticus (doctoral thesis 1980), in which I argue against traditional interpretations of Gesta Danorum. After 30 years it has still not been properly commented on, as far as I know, so now I welcome my colleagues' viewpoints!
Wulfstan's Voyage: The Baltic Sea Region in the early Viking Age as seen from shipboard, 2009
2007
A line of early Danish historians, who wrote on Medieval Estonia in relation to Denmark, is presented. Each authors social background and the date of their contribution stand out through their sympathies and antipathies. Likewise, every author also had a Danish bias. German views were challenged, whereas Estonian views never mattered to these Danish authors. To them, the Estonians only played the part of silent extras on the historical stage; first as barbarous enemies, then as faithful subjects or allies and finally as victims. The most attractive theme to the Danish historians is the dramatic conquest in 1219, and its royal or clerical front figures, and the legends of a divine origin of Dannebrog the national flag. The latter has been the single most popular subject, taking precedence over everything else. The history of Danish-Estonian active political and diplomatic relations until 1346, let alone until 1645, has been a mere niche in Danish history writing. It is possible to...
Comparative Studies in Society and History, 2023
In this article, I take up the case of runic writing to reflect upon James Scott's view of the nexus between writing and various forms of domination in early states, especially the use of literacy for taxation in cereal-growing societies. Scott's theses provide interesting matter "to think with," even when his grasp of historical detail has been found wanting. It is not controversial to grant Scott that cuneiform writing was a remarkable tool for statecraft, and exploitation, in the first states of Mesopotamia, around 3500 BC. The same is true of writing in other early states. But in the first states of Scandinavia, particularly Denmark ca. AD 500-800, writing had a more troubled relationship with the state. No evidence survives that runic writing was used to administer taxation or much else, as it was in other agrarian civilisations. It is true that the runic script was used to commemorate kings, most famously by Haraldr Blátǫnn (r. ca. 958-ca. 986.). But, statistically speaking, it was more often used to aggrandize the sort of local big men who usually resisted centralized power. In this article, I survey the relationship between runic writing and administration. I consider what the Danish situation suggests about the relationship between states and writing and offer a tentative hypothesis of a short-lived attempt at runic bureaucracy around 800, which created-and quickly lost control of-a shortened variety of the runic script (the Younger Futhark).
Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration, 2014
The paper argues that there is not necessarily a correlation between political, economic and societal shelter. Iceland received considerable societal and political shelter from Denmark in the period under study, but Denmark failed to provide its remote island with economic cover. Firstly, and most importantly, it provided substantial and highly valuable societal shelter. Copenhagen was the main channel by which new knowledge and technology could enter Iceland. The islanders benefited from educational, health-care and social policies of the crown and it played an invaluable role in preserving Iceland’s cultural heritage. Secondly, Denmark provided partial protection of Icelandic waters and land though Iceland’s peripheral position continued to be its main protection from outside attacks. However, at the end of our period, the Danish kingdom was in decline and unable to provide political cover. Nevertheless, increased centralization, initiated from Denmark, provided internal order and political stability and citizens became more equal before the law. Thirdly, Icelanders paid a heavy price for the Danish trade monopoly though Icelanders continued to receive partial economic and societal shelter from foreign merchants and fishermen. The crown’s policies towards Iceland can largely be explained by current ideological trends at any given time. By being in constant contact with the European continent through Denmark, Icelandic society was part of the societal, political and economic evolution in Europe and managed to avoid isolation despite its geographical remoteness.
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