The Right to Culture

Culture is not Enough: a Democratic Critique of Liberal Multiculturalism Yoav Peled and Jose Brunner1 Introduction What rights should be accorded minority cultures within a liberal society? Can minorities legitimately demand special rights, such as state protection from ...

Open Journal of Political Science, 2016

This paper explores the relationship between cultural identity and human rights in the light of the dynamics of identity formation, based on the immediate external culture of any multicultural society. The objective of this study is to analyze the relationship between culture, identity and rights, which broadens the parameter of the existing dimension of human rights, using secondary sources to review the literature. It argues that these dynamics are marked by a number of factors and components featuring the group, community and individual rights. This prepares grounds for a wider, inclusionary and horizontal understanding of the Human Rights dimension and paradigms, not only in a multicultural society but also in a democratic nationstate which is significantly marked by minority rights and ethnic identity claims. Thus through a critical approach and a post-colonial perspective, this paper shows how this specific and particular dynamics of cultural identity casts an effect on the theory and practice of normative political theory and trajectories. The paper concludes that the Human Rights inherently invoke a challenge in the analysis of identity-formation and cultural heterogeneity dynamics, which are significant in the contemporary global democratic politics.

Academia Letters, 2021

The crisis of citizenship in democratic countries is a topic that I am accustomed to study and that I have developed in a recent book [1]. A definitive definition of the concept is hazardous as it continuously evolves across the centuries. It is presently caught in the crossfire between two emerging trends: the diversification of the public sphere with the extension of critical analysis, and on the other side the growth of various kinds of cosmopolitism. The leading classes became aware progressively of the depreciation of the notion of citizenship and of the need to fill the gap of an ideological perspective and of the necessity of an admitted goal for a large majority of the population throughout the diverse tendencies. In France the idea has been secularism (laïcité), meaning that the religious influences must be set aside to maintain an ideal social live. The problem is that these religious influences often stem from the various cultural backgrounds of the local population. This subjective concept is, however, not a concrete goal, unable to bring about a real craze generating an operational response in case of emergency. The only worthy project is democracy, while staying aware of the diversity of identities, political and ideological choices within the Nation-State. Democracy has been confronted with a constant evolution of the concept of the fundamental rights. In his classical work T M. Marshall [2] suggested a historic outline of this evolution. In the 18th century citizenship was based on the recognition of civil rights: freedom of expression, equality before the law, property rights. In the 19th century political rights were added, mainly the different voting rights. The 20th century marked the start of social rights with the welfare state, especially the right to have an education. We are witnessing now the rising power of cultural rights, which could be the hallmark of the 21st century. According to Guy Rocher [3] it means the right for the minorities to the respect of their identity, traditions, language, artistic and historical heritage. This may include the right to have a school education of their language, culture and religion. Contrary to the civil, political and social rights, which were a

This work is about the relevance of liberalism to cultural membership and to the claims of different cultural groups that their distinctive group identities should be respected and accommodated in the public domain. The basic argument we try to develop is that different cultural identities should be provided with a public space in which they can be maintained securely, since these identities matter to most individual members and are relevant to their well being. However, this individual-centred approach does not lead us to endorse the autonomy-based liberal argument that connects the value of cultural membership to its individual autonomy fostering function. Rather, we reject it on the ground that suggesting a liberal understanding of individual autonomy as a justificatory ground for the right to culture dismisses non-liberal cultures, which do not endorse it as a general value. Our overall conclusion is that since different cultures provide different ways of defining the spheres of the good life and individual well being, we should respect their right to maintain themselves as distinct entities

Citizenship Studies, 2010

The intersections between liberal political philosophy and the theories of multiculturalism become apparent in the context of the modern states and the political organisation of their societies. While cultural diversity has been a constitutive feature of civilizations historically in and has existed alongside majoritarian regimes since ancient times, the current discourse around multiculturalism is concerned with the coexistence of different cultural groups within liberal democratic states. The meaning of culture is crucial in developing an understanding of the constitution of different groups in society while also playing an important role in formulating policies and norms for modern democracies. The current strand of multicultural theoretical scholarship emanates from within liberalism in light of the dominant group ideology becoming the state's operative paradigm. The main argument of its proponents is framed in the context of liberalism's supposed ignorance of cultural rights of minority groups and argues for group rights and group-differentiated rights as a corrective measure. The rationale behind this argument is premised on a belief that cultural groups ought to maintain their distinctive identities and need not give them up in order to assimilate in the dominant cultural groups' norms and practices.

J Public Econ, 2003

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