Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.
To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.
Hong Kong Economic Journal, 2 November 2016
AI
The paper explores the implications of government regulations, challenging the notion that they primarily serve public interests. Drawing from George Stigler's insights, it argues that regulations are often captured by industry incumbents to benefit themselves at the expense of consumers. The author discusses how deregulation and selective immigration policies, particularly in the context of Hong Kong, could enhance economic growth while addressing societal inequalities.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2000
This paper offers a retrospective assessment of economist George Stigler's classic article, The Theory of Economic Regulation. Stigler argued that regulation is a product that, just like any other product, is produced in a market, and that it can be acquired from the governmental "marketplace" by business firms to serve their private interests and create barriers to entry for potential competitors. He challenged the idea that regulation arises solely to serve the public interest and demonstrated that important political advantages held by businesses can contribute to industry capture of the regulatory process. Although his argument was largely based on the theoretical framework he developed, Stigler also illustrated his insights with empirical evidence from state-level regulatory schemes, including trucking regulation and occupational licensing. In this paper, we re-examine Stigler's argument and analysis more than forty years later. Despite the great value of Stigler's work in illuminating the problem of regulatory capture, his influential article nevertheless did exaggerate the power of business over regulators, as he suggested the existence of nearly an iron law of business control that clearly does not exist. He also confusingly conflated elected legislators with more independent agency bureaucrats, failed to rule out the public interest theory of regulation, and relied in part on unrealistic assumptions about the political economy of regulation. Notwithstanding these shortcomings, Stigler's ground-breaking theory holds enduring value to both scholars and policymakers, and his innovative use of economic principles and empirical analysis provides a much-needed template for the further study of regulation and regulatory institutions even today.
Oxford Handbooks Online, 2016
This chapter discusses George Stigler’s “The Theory of Economic Regulation,” a stinging analysis of regulation from a political economy perspective. Published in 1971, Stigler’s paper challenged the idea that regulation is designed and operated primarily for the benefit of business, rather than solely to advance the overall public interest by correcting market failures. By offering a serious take on regulatory capture, “The Theory of Economic Regulation” changed the way economists analyze government regulation while exerting tremendous influence on a variety of disciplines such as public policy. Stigler’s chapter also sparked extensive research on business–government relations across a wide range of industries, from airlines and mining to banking and manufacturing.
Public Choice
Since its publication in 1971, George J. Stigler's "Theory of Economic Regulation" (1971), secured its place as the dominant theory of the causes and consequences of regulation in economics. The article was cited by the economic Nobel prize committee as one of the reasons Stigler received the prize in 1982. In his article, Stigler (1971) frames the conversation regarding the "Theory of Economic Regulation" around an analysis of the political demand for and supply of regulation. Following the 50th anniversary of the 1971 paper, the contributors to this special issue evaluate the impact of his "Theory of Economic Regulation", apply it to other policy questions, and summarize the literature produced in response to his original insight.
Media Regulation: Governance and the Interests of Citizens and Consumers
Michigan Law Review, 1983
Journal of Regulatory Economics, 2012
Models of firms' influence over the regulatory agencies that oversee them have traditionally been constrained by several factors, including a lack of direct measures of "influence," an inability to account for variations in the institutional environment within which firms operate, and a nearly singular focus on industry-level measures of interest group strengths. In this paper, we employ a global database and novel measures to provide a fresh look at the determinants of firms' influence over regulatory agencies. We find that in addition to traditional industry-level determinants, important country-level institutional and firm-level determinants affect firms' regulatory agency influence. We also find that regulatory process variations affect firms' influence over regulators. With these empirical estimates in hand, we generate a Regulatory Influence Index that ranks influence levels of typical firms that operate in each sample country in the dataset, and then discuss the substantial country-level variation in regulatory agency influence that obtains.
Two ongoing debates in regulation research concentrate on public-interest versus private-interest theories, and actor-centered theories versus institutionalism. The first controversy is about the origins and goals of regulation, and the latter is about the analysis of regulatory processes. A theoretical framework that combines these four concepts is suggested. Four patterns of regulation are presented; each addresses a regulatory goal as well as a regulatory process. Each pattern is associated with a different type of regulator: the selfish, the manipulative, the combative, and the coordinating. The author argues that by employing institutional considerations and tools, the coordinating regulator best serves the public interest.
Journal of Economic Issues, 2014
The economics profession has fallen into the habit of telling a limited "economics of control" policy story in their teaching of economics. It is a useful story for many purposes, but it leaves out important elements of policy. This paper briefly goes through the history of how the profession got to its current policy story and argues that a newly developed complexity theory offers a richer policy storyone in which the government and market coevolve and the role of government policy is to positively influence that evolution, not to control the system. It concludes with a discussion some of the implications that accepting the economics of influence approach to policy would have for the story economists tell about policy.
Public Administration, 2000
1987
Economists have generally assumed that the intention of the antitrust laws is to increase economic efficiency. Many observers, however, have noted that the antitrust laws are applied inconsistently and often do not use economic analysis to promote economic efficiency. Judge Robert Bork (1979) referred to this failure of the antitrust laws to promote economic efficiency as the "antitrust paradox," and Peter Asch (1970) called it the "antitrust dilemma." The special interest theory of regulation developed by Stigler (1971) and others assists in understanding the antitrust paradox, because pursuant to it one must not expect antitrust to be applied to benefit the general public.' The special interest view ofeconomic regulation has found its way into evaluations of the antitrust laws. 2 For example, Judge Richard Posner (1969, p. 87) claimed that Federal Trade Commission (FTC) investigations are seldom in the public interest and are undertaken "at the behest of corporations, trade associations, and trade unions whose motivation is at best to shift the costs oftheir private litigation
Nine Lives of Neoliberalism, 2020
Social Science Research Network, 1990
By "paradoxes of the regulatory state," I mean self-defeating regulatory strategies-strategies that achieve an end precisely opposite to the one intended, or to the only public-regarding justification that can be brought forward in their support.' This definition excludes, and I will not discuss, a number of pathologies of the regulatory state that are clearly related to the phenomenon of regulatory paradoxes, such as strategies whose costs exceed their benefits, or that have unintended adverse consequences. An example of a regulatory paradox would be a Clean Air Act that actually made the air dirtier, 2 or a civil rights law that increased the incidence of racial discrimination.' A large literature, inspired by public choice theory and welfare economics, has grown up around the theory that purportedly public-interested regulation is almost always an effort to create a cartel or to serve some private interest at the public expense. 4 Although I shall be drawing on much of that literature here, I do not conclude,
Policy Studies Journal, 1998
Much interest-group analysis assumes that producer-groya pressures are especially influential. Sometimes business interests conflict; in that case, which producer groups will be most influential? Using dntn f o m 54 state telephone rnte cases, this paper explores the relative influence of several different intervener types. Estimates indicate that influencing outcomes depends on credible information raher than other resources, and also that business interest groups cannot all be considered homogenous. Some implications for the Telecommunications Act of 1996 are drawn. Both in the study of politics and the popular conception of politics, interest group behavior is considered one of the dominant determinants of outcomes of political processes, including regulation. Though it has been recognized that the simple capture theory of regulation is too simple, especially for public utility regulation (e.g.,
Loading Preview
Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.