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2008, East European Jewish Affairs
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Contemporaries and historians of the Russian revolutions have often made a great deal of the Jewish role in the events of 1917. In late 1917, for instance, it was commonplace to assert that the Bolsheviks were simply part of a Jewish conspiracy. This paper takes a look at the various Russian perspectives on the revolution and its Jewish aspects, focusing in particular on the views of leading intellectuals, writers and politicians, such as S.M. Dubnov, Maxim Gorkii and Aleksandr Blok. It reveals that attitudes were not always straightforward, even amongst the liberal elements of the intelligentsia.
Lamentations: The Politics of Jewish Sustenance and Succor, 2017
Russian Jewry in the era before the revolution found its voice(s) in the public arena in the causes of social welfare and social reform, protest, protection of group interests, and radicalism, to say nothing of nationalism in one form or another. The variety of the Jews' experience with modern politics and culture at that time forms the backdrop to a renewed interpretive narrative: one that highlights integrative themes and portrays Jewry in Russia as particularly engaged in and open to innovative approaches to life under the old regime, amidst hopes for amelioration. Yet, the intuitive, stereotypical image of Russian tyranny as a force that did not abate over time but instead took a constant, dismal toll on the lives of many inhabitants, including many Jews, retains a stubborn salience. This paper aims at probing this residual lamentation over the fate of the Jews in tsarist Russia.
Even though Jews and individuals with Jewish background played a crucial role in the Russian revolutionary movement, so far no concentrated research has been devoted to the question of religious semantics in the revolutionary rhetoric of Jewish socialists. In my paper I will discuss the questions why a remarkable number of Jews joined the revolutionary movement in the Russian Empire, what attitude towards religion they harbored, and last but not least the significance of religious motifs and imagery in their propaganda.
Patterns of Prejudice, 2017
McGeever's essay offers an analysis of the Bolshevik encounter with antisemitism in 1917. Antisemitism was the dominant modality of racialized Othering in late imperial Russia. Yet 1917 transformed Jewish life, setting in motion a sudden and intense period of emancipation. In Russian society more generally, the dramatic escalation of working-class mobilization resulted not only in the toppling of the Tsar in February, but the coming to power of the Bolsheviks just eight months later. Running alongside these revolutionary transformations, however, was the re-emergence of anti-Jewish violence and the returning spectre of pogroms. Russia in 1917, then, presents an excellent case study for exploring how a socialist movement responded to rising antisemitism in a moment of political crisis and escalating class conflict. His article does two things. First, it charts how the Bolsheviks understood antisemitism, and how they responded to it during Russia's year of revolution. In doing so, it finds that Bolsheviks participated in a wide-ranging set of campaigns organized by the socialist left, the hub of which was composed of the soviets of workers' and soldiers' deputies. Second, the essay argues that antisemitism traversed the political divide in revolutionary Russia, finding traction across all social groups and political projects. As the political crisis deepened in the course of 1917, the Bolsheviks increasingly had to contend with the antisemitism within the movement. In traditional Marxist accounts, racism and radicalism are often framed in contestation. McGeever's article, however, offers a more complex picture in which antisemitism and revolutionary politics could be overlapping, as well as competing world views.
International Review of Social History, 1997
Canadian-American Slavic studies =, 2004
This study, awarded the prestigious Koret Book Award for Jewish History in 2003, focuses on a range of demographic, social, political and cultural issues involved in the Jewish encounter with late imperial Russia. In doing so, it poses the following, intriguing question. If we look beyond the ugly aspects of this encounter, often portrayed in terms of increased pauperization, delegitimizing of communal authority, anti-Jewish violence, and a lack of basic legal security, is there something more to be seen, perhaps even a story of success, actually or nearly achieved? Nathans' study offers a positive answer to this question. Although the protagonists of Jewish integration into nineteenth century Russian society were ultimately disappointed, Nathans argues that their expectations were far from chimerical. This study thus breaks with many of the basic assumptions of Russian-Jewish historiography, particularly the one which considers 1881 as a turning point in Russian-Jewish history. Nathans ascribes this idea to the use of a "crisis paradigm" to explain historical development, a methodology he claims to supersede by "revealing the subtler forms of change as well as continuities that bridge the moment of crisis" (p. 9). In order to achieve this ambitious objective, Nathans marries the perspective of the Jews (or, to be more exact, of the Jewish elite in the Russian capital, St. Petersburg) to that of the Russian state administration. His study therefore complements works on earlier periods (such as those of John Klier, David Fishman, and Eli Lederhendler), as well as those which emphasise the Jewish (Jonathan Frankel) or the Russian (Hans Rogger, Heinz-Dietrich Löwe) perspective on the Jews' political situation in the last decades of Tsarist Russia. Nathans uses a wide range of sources, including a huge amount of archival documentation produced by the Tsarist administration, as well as much published material (largely in Russian) written by those social strata he analyses most closely, the St. Petersburg Jewish elite and the emerging Jewish intelligentsia. The latter is described in great detail in Nathans' portraits of Russian Jewish students and lawyers, the former in his study of the Jewish communal leadership in the capital. Thus, more than is usual in Russian Jewish histori
2020
The aim of this essay is to present a comprehensive review of the collective monograph Evrei (The Jews), published in 2018 in the series Narody i kul’tury (Peoples and Culture). The authors give an overview of the modern developments in Jewish studies to acquaint the reader with the background of the reviewed monograph. Every chapter of the monograph is analyzed in detail, taking into account the most recently gathered ethnographic materials, such as the data recorded by Alexander Novik in Priazovye and Crimea in the late 1990s and early 2000s, and the newest publications on the subject, such as a paper by Evgeniya Khazdan on Jewish traditional culture, published in 2018.
Journal of Modern History, 2012
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H-Net Reviews, Jewish Studies , 2022
East European Jewish Affairs, 2009
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Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History, 2006
At the beginning of the 20th century, the "Jewish century" in Yuri Slezkine's formulation, Russia and Romania remained the only European states that still limited the rights of their Jewish citizens. 1 As Benjamin Nathans has recently reminded us, however, Jews in late imperial Russia faced both prejudices and novel opportunities. 2 Be that as it may, discrimination drove Jews to seek their fortunes abroad whenever possible, to long for a homeland of their own, and/or to join the ranks of the revolutionary parties, becoming well-, even over-represented, among those arrested on political charges. The statistics do not say it all but make a compelling point: in the middle of the 19th century, approximately three-quarters of the world's Jewish population resided in tsarist Russia. Between Alexander III's accession to the throne in 1881 and the start of World War I, roughly two million of them abandoned the country. The vast majority of them immigrated to the United States. Well before 1917, the public expected Jews to participate actively in any future revolutionary explosion, because they had compelling reason to do so. The association the Russian public made with Jews and the revolutionary movement ("11 anarchists were shot, 15 of whom were Jews") led to a growth in official and popular antisemitism in the aftermath of the Revolution of 1904-6. Indeed, when World War I broke out, the tsarist government expelled Jews scattered throughout the western borderlands. Despite its suspicion of them, the government drafted a half-million Jews into the Imperial Army, but it would not permit them to serve as officers. In 1915, Petrograd authorities ordered newspapers not to print the names of Jewish war heroes. By the time revolution came in 1917, the self-fulfilling prophecy had come true: most Jews backed Zionist or revolutionary parties (or hybrid combinations thereof). Yet, far from homogeneous, Russian Jews could be found in the central committees of virtually all political parties. The issues that divided Russians divided them, too.
1978
The Jewish intelligentsia and Russian Marxism I. Communism and intellectuals 2. Party affiliation Russia 3. Socialist parties 4. Jews in Russia I. Title 30 1 .5'g2 JN65g8.A I ISBN 0-333-23206-2 This book is sold subject to the standard conditions oj' the Net Book Agreement vi vii (1. THEORETICAL PROSPECTUS I 2. CLASS AND ETHNIC STRUCTURE TO 1905 9 A. The Jewish Community in Pre-capitalist Poland 9 B. The Decline of Serfdom and the Development of Capitalism in Russia I3 C. Peasant and Working Class Unrest '7 D. The Jews Between Feudalism and Capitalism 23 E. Jewish Workers 30 3. THE EMBEDDING PROCESS A. Classification B. Declassification C. Reclassification 4. STRANGERS AND REBELS A. The Jewish Question B. The Role of the Intelligentsia C. The Agents and Character of the Revolution 5. ROOTLESS COSMOPOLITANS? Notes
Nationalities papers, 1996
Jewish Liberal Politics in Tsarist Russia, 1900–14, 1995
This chapter describes the socio-political background which let the Liberals re-emphasize their Jewish past and develop a new self-consciousness. This found expression in their first activities-in the organization of legal aid provided to Jews and the propagation of Jewish rights-and finally preserited them as another interest group beside those already active (the Zionists and the Jewish Socialists, also known as Bundists). However, from the early 1890s until the eve of the First Russian Revolution in 1904, the Liberals pursued a strategy still mainly bound to the old methods of promoting Jewish interests, and can be described as a combination of shtadlanstvo and activities focused on protest and propaganda actions against anti-Semitic measures and acts of the Russian government. Therefore, according to our definition of politics , the first stage was characterized by a mainly non-political approach to the solution of the Jewish question in Russia. 1.1 JEWISH SOCIETY IN TRANSITION Jewish Liberals appeared as a result of a process of transformation within Jewish society which took place during the reign of Alexander 11. 1 His new approach to solving the Jewish question-which can be described as the traditional formula for emancipation, 'equal rights for Russification'-laid the basis for the Liberals' advent. Alexander II's policy towards the Jews had changed in two ways : in his attempt to break down what both he and his father Nicholas had called 'Jewish separateness', he no longer used repressive means and had given up all attempts at converting Jews to Christianity. His approach aimed at Russifying the Jews, and to this end he extended promises and even rewarded elements regarded as Russified. Along these lines merchants of the first guild, university graduates and artisans were granted the right to live everywhere in the empire, which was to be both a reward and in the case of the latter also an incentive. Large numbers of Jews responded by flocking into Russian schools and universities.' His policy found support among the successors of the late
Political Studies, 1987
Ethnic and Racial Studies, 2020
Jewish History, 2014
Introduction: William Craft Brumfield vi PART I: Russian-Jewish Historians and Historiography The Return of the Ḥeder among Russian-Jewish Education Experts, 1840–1917 2 ‘Building a Fragile Edifice’: A History of Russian-Jewish Historical Institutions, 1860–1914 Myths and Counter-Myths about Odessa’s Jewish Intelligentsia during the Late Tsarist Period Saul Borovoi’s Survival: An Odessa Tale about a Jewish Historian in Soviet Times 53 The Ideological Challenges of S. M. Dubnov in Emigration: Autonomism and Zionism, Europe and Palestine 70 PART II: Russian–Jewish Intelligentsia’s Cultural Vibrancy 85 Semyon An-sky—Dialogic Writer 86 Russian-Jewish Writers Face Pogroms, 1880–1914 111 M. O. Gershenzon, Alexander Pushkin, the Bible, and the Flaws of Jewish Nationalism 123 Battling for Self-Definition in Soviet Literature: Boris Eikhenbaum’s Jewish Question 139 Vladimir Jabotinsky and the Mystique of 1905 156 Vladimir Jabotinsky and Violence 177 PART III: Jewish Heritage in Russian Perception 197 Vladimir Solov’ev and the Jews: A View from Today 198 Fear and Stereotyping: Vasily Rozanov and Jewish Menace 215 Bibliography 233 Index
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