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2011, Ethnomusicology Forum
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This paper addresses the importance of non-written output by ethnomusicologists who (like myself) may straddle the worlds of academia and the music industry. It argues that the recording studio is the “new field” and that music production based on ethical collaboration and in-depth knowledge is significant as practice-based research, and research-based practice. I take the example of my albums featuring two outstanding Malian musicians, Toumani Diabaté and Bassekou Kouyaté, whose solo careers I launched, arguing that these albums have had far more impact on the artists themselves, and contributed to the production of knowledge about the musical culture around them, than any number of written publications. The paper was presented at a one-day British Forum for Ethnomusicology conference entitled The Impact of Ethnomusicology held in London in 2010.
Martí, Josep and Revilla Gútiez, Sara (eds) (2018) Making Music, Making Society. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. , 2018
The contemporary contexts relating to ethnomusicology and other disciplines interested in music research are changing radically. Two main reasons are at the crux of this change: (1) the presence of music in academia has grown substantially over the last 20 years; consequently, research has considerably increased; (2) the persons who until now have been crucial for our research, especially in the field of ethnomusicology, are now very conscious of their importance for research outcomes and sometimes refuse to accept their " objectification ". The latter can be seen across a large spectrum of contexts, such as those belonging to the field of subaltern studies focusing on depressive urban communities or socially marginalised groups, as well as in the context of " high culture " universes-research developed by art music performers about contemporary composers, for example. In both cases, the researcher represents an academically powered subject of authority. His/her work aims to promote the involved subjects but, mainly, to validate him/herself as the owner of a kind of knowledge which is socially more qualified. This situation generates deep asymmetries and has been discussed by different scholars, proposing methods and research actions based on " participative-action-research " practices.
CHARLUS 1950 En marge du 50me anniversaire de Pathé, in J'ai chanté. Souvenirs de Charlus, Recueillis et pesentés par J.M Gilbert, Le Progrès de l'Oise, Paris, online version: www. dutempsdescerisesauxfeuillesmortes.net/fiches_bio/charlus/charlus_en_marge_ du_50_e_pathe.htm (last access December 28th, 2023)
Between 2007 and 2015, in a series of trips ranging in length from two to ten months, I conducted ethnographic research with rappers in Dakar, Senegal. Drawing on those experiences, this article explores how primary modes of ethnographic knowing and being are nurtured outside spaces of musical performance and asks how a consideration of gendered moments that are not, per se, research moments—the time spent with families, the eating of meals, the engagement with social norms of greeting and hospitality, but also the often fraught encounters with strangers—might shift our understandings of the nature of the musical field site. Modeling a gendered ethnography of music, I make the following claims: First, models of ethnomusicological fieldwork that center on friendship and participant observation, in their explicit emphasis on collaborative musical performance, implicitly spatialize musical field sites even as they redefine them as experiential. Second, such models prioritize music-centered relationships while obscuring the complexity of power dynamics at play in intercultural research. Finally, both the experiential field site and ethnomusicological research models—and the overlaps and disjunctions between them—actively engender the researcher in ways that necessarily inform fieldwork outcomes. Citation: Appert, Catherine M. 2017. "Engendering Musical Ethnography." Ethnomusicology 61(3):446-67.
TRACKING THE CREATIVE PROCESS IN MUSIC (TCPM) 4th Edition University of Huddersfield, September 14-16 2017, 2017
Since the very beginning of the 21st century, the digital revolution has generated major changes in the musical ecosystem of Southern countries. Digital technology has thus led to the implementation of multiple musical scenes on the fringes of the system but nevertheless global, referring to what Ronaldo Lemos calls "globoperipheral music" (2014: 196). In Mali (and in all francophone Western African countries), 3G technology implemented by the Orange phone operator in 2010 has profoundly changed the situation. With 3G technology, the number of recording studios has increased all over the country and today, most musicians, from the local "griot" to the rapper, via the "cantatrices" and the religious praise singers, record their music in studio to make it circulate freely on social networks and streaming platforms. In a national context where there is no record label, where distribution is massive but less official, and where the legislation on intellectual property is barely known by musicians and rarely applied, recording guarantees professional recognition and advertising. These two criteria allow musicians to earn a living by performing at private parties, ceremonies and concerts and, possibly, to be spotted by Pop or World Music producers. This is about a service economy embedded in a media regime, where the music composed and recorded generates few direct financial benefits, but rather "visibility" and notoriety in the media, to the benefit of event performances. In this context, studio recording brings major changes to the process and technics of musical creation. My analysis of this set of transformations and the questions they raise will be based on an ethnography of "ordinary studios" of Bamako, carried on since 2014. (For safety reasons, I unfortunately couldn't do any fieldwork outside Bamako).
Based on empirical research in the Seychelles islands (Indian Ocean), performed at the request of the Seychelles Ministry of culture, this article explores how the triangular relationship between the researcher, " interlocutors " (musicians and others), and government results in a particular form of knowledge production, one with restrictions, but also involving access otherwise unavailable to a foreign researcher. The author addresses the political economy of social science research in Seychelles and presents two case studies: (1) a course taught at the National Conservatoire of Performing Arts; and (2) the author's involvement in an Intangible Cultural Heritage/UNESCO project. She discusses authorities and forces from the perspectives of values, and claims to an ethical stance taken in research, concluding that a comprehensive understanding of the actors, stakeholders and forces that influence the sustainability of music is imperative for (applied) ethnomusicologists working with the aim of assisting endangered music forms and traditions. A better grasp of the roles of ideas, beliefs and values inherent to musical practices and policy-making processes also contributes to a better understanding of music and culture, as well as the formulation of public policies.
Marija Golubović, Monika Novaković, Miloš Marinković (eds.): Shaping the Present by the Future: Ethno/musicology and Contemporaneity, 2020
Young Musicology Belgrade is the third conference in the series that began with the Young Musicology Prague conference, organized by Department of Music History, Institute of Ethnology, of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic in 2016, and followed by the Young Musicology Munich conference in autumn 2018 that was held at Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich. In this instalment in Belgrade, our starting point is the following question: what is the place of ethno/musicological thought in the contemporary world? The notion of contemporaneity, while constantly provoking theorization, provides us the opportunity to self-reflect and analyze our own methodologies, strategies and scientific challenges in the present moment. What is happening in ethno/musicology after modernist historicism and its postmodern critical self-examination in movements such as the New Ethno/Musicology? Are the familiar methodologies still relevant, have they improved or changed, and in what ways? How can we establish fruitful inter/transdisciplinary collaborations between ethno/musicology and other humanities, social or natural sciences? What is the impact of technology and media in today’s musicology and ethnomusicology? These are just a few questions faced by the humanities by the contemporary world, and the aim of our conference is to draft possible answers by giving voice to the young experts in our fields. In this conference, PhD students and young scholars will reflect upon these topics, and share their methodologies, experiences and challenges in dealing with various subjects of contemporary ethno/musicology. The starting points of our conference include contemporary challenges in ethno/musicology; methodology of contemporary ethno/musicology; the future of ethno/ musicology; inter/trans-disciplinary collaborations; ethno/musicology and technology; ethno/musicology and media – important subjects which occupy the minds of our keynote speakers as well as our participants. Dr. David Beard asks the following questions: Have there been new conflicts and tensions? What does the current situation indicate about the future? With intention to answer those and associated questions in his keynote lecture Musicology, Crisis and the Contemporary, Or: Musicology’s Oedipus Complex focusing on two concepts: crisis and the contemporary. In his search for answers, he will navigate his way through the context of quality of musical education, political and ideological ramifi cations of the humanities as well as concerns and problems in society musicology is becoming aware of. What can musicology do against such concerns and in what way? Dr. Selena Rakočević will, in her keynote lecture Challenges of ethnomusicological and ethnochoreological research within the ever changing world. A view of a scholar from Serbia, provide us with the invaluable insight into the challenges she met as a scholar practicing ethnomusicological and ethnochoreological research since mid-1990s, but also those of her colleagues from Serbia and other former Yugoslav countries. Rakočević also states that it is her intention to confront all various voices which shaped her current personal view of what is being done in our ethnomusicological and ethnochoreological research, the way it is done and the reason behind doing just that in the first place. In the end, she will try to identify the importance this reason carries within itself and for whom. Our participants will encompass the wide range of topics in regards to musical performance, the relationship of ethnomusicology and contemporaneity, challenges in researching minority music, questions of musical folklorism, musicology and film studies, the status of radio art in musicology, musicology and metal music studies, post-feminism and feminism, education, developments of methodologies relevant to the research of musical borrowing, computational musicology, musicology and virtual reality, place of musicology in personal computing revolution and others. We hope this exchange of thoughts, concerns and answers to the urgent matters will prompt scholars to ask new questions and also equip them to answer the future challenges they will face.
The Routledge Companion to Ethics and Research in Ethnomusicology, 2022
Ethnography, as it has been theorized and valued throughout recent decades, relies on the formation of relationships between scholars and the people they study. Over time theorists have further argued that the methodology is more ethically executed and epistemologically productive as those relationships deepen, specifcally as they grow more collaborative, egalitarian, and dialogic. Embedded in that process is not just a loss of distance between researcher and the studied, but also a loss of control over the relationship, the research process, and the research product. Based on these premises, I published an article in Current Anthropology (Teitelbaum 2019) laying out what I saw as the trouble inherent in using ethnography to advance a moral or political agenda. I argued that it is unwise to think a scholar could unilaterally declare and maintain a political identity in their research while practicing ethnography. That is especially obvious for scholars like me whose interlocutors adopt political agendas boldly at variance with their own. I am a scholar of the radical right, and have for over a decade conducted face-to-face ethnographic research among individuals and groups identifying as National Socialists, white nationalists, or rightwing populists. I adopted what I consider standard ethnographic practice, striving to never conceal my identity or aims, to deepen relationships and exchange with informants, to involve their voices in the research process, and to write with the primary goal of exposing and interpreting their experience of the world. My approach provided rare insights, I believe, but also myriad moral conficts and scholarly products that could reasonably be accused of platforming dangerous ideas. My case may seem exceptional, yet likely all of us study people with whom we disagree in some way. Ethnographers following the so-called "moral turn" in anthropology have nonetheless insisted that our research have greater and greater moral clarity and consistency-that not just we as people, professionals, and pedagogues, but also we as scholars should be operating and producing knowledge in the service of social justice. While our ideal research methods portend less control of our scholarship, political ideals demand more. I argued that this confict between methodology and morality was more fundamental than exceptional: ethnography entails moral volatility. Moreover, such volatility will stress us only when it is of a certain kind, when research veers from our moral instincts. Maintaining ethnography's most powerful explanatory tools, even pursuing a call to direct ethical commitments to research participants, can as well advance agendas we consider immoral. We can call ourselves as "collaborators," yes, but we ought do so mindful of the term's positive and negative connotations. It was an argument I made with no reference to the fact that I am not just an ethnographer, but more specifcally an ethnomusicologist. And in this chapter, I consider the ways this moral/methodological impasse manifests in the ethnography of music. I ask in particular if ethnomusicologists
This research paper discusses the difference between Ethnomusicology and African Musicology with reference to the work of Professor Geoff Mapaya. The importance of culture and identity within music and the cultural differences one explore through music within a South African context with the views shared within a Western Perspective. The objective of this paper is to clearly underpin the two separate entities and to enlighten future researchers how to differentiate between the two, giving rise to a new era for music scholars to explore, research and elaborate. It is a discourse of African Musicology and Culture within a South African Context.
Toward a Sound Ecology, 2020
Ethnomusicology is the study of people making music. People make sounds that are recognized as music, and people also make “music” into a cultural domain. This 1989 conference paper defined ethnomusicology and contrasted music as a contingent cultural category with earlier scientific definitions that essentialized music as an object. It was published for the first time in Musicology Annual (2015). Here it is as reprinted, with a new introduction, in my book Toward a Sound Ecology: New and Selected Essays (Indiana University Press, 2020). The book is available from IU Press, the usual online sources, and your favorite independent bookstore.
Early in my PhD studies in ethnomusicology at the University of California, Los Angeles, I posed this question to a professor: “What am I learning to study? How do I decide what ‘music' is?” The response: “You’ll know it when you see it.” This exchange is a symptom of ethnomusicology’s enduringly indefinable nature. Despite decades of reflection and proposals for redefinition, we remain unable to articulate the subject of our research. On one hand, this allows us to engage with any of the astoundingly diverse artistic traditions of the world. I believe, however, that such conceptual imprecision is also one of a few crucial factors keeping us from much more influence in the growth of knowledge and the improvement of human existence. In this article, I outline a path to increased disciplinary thriving through exploration of the young ethnoarts movement. In particular, I propose that we embrace a future in which our subjects are enactors of artistic communication genres, and we view arts, culture, and prosocial intent as inextricably intertwined.
European Journal of Research , 2020
Ethnomusicology, formerly known as Comparative Musicology (Ethnomusicology Newsletter in 1953) is a theoretical subject which is the combination of archiving, research, teaching & learning, presentation, outreaching, interviewing, gathering data, observation, documenting musical tradition, for the development of human being, global development, community sustainability, peace and harmony, social integrity, justice, health and education. It is music like other music through singing, dancing, playing instruments, drama, poetry (Ramayana, a great Indian epic written by a great monk and poet Tulsi Das, it reflexes nationalism, music folklore, ethnology (Giving Voice to Hope for Liberia, a refugee camp in Ghana's village is the combination of nationalism, folklore and ethnology, international folk music council, a UNESCO affiliated organization created for international cooperation manifested in the creation of the United Nations). The paper aims to explore Ethnomusicology as an independent subject from the subject of Musicology and to know traditional music from around the world through its participatory research activities within the community and in the classroom. The outcome is to establish and understanding its glimpses to the society, its complexity through social, economic, cultural bonds in every ethnic and traditional community such as discover of Pigmy Community through the reading of Rain Forest. The question is how does Ethnomusicology work as a medication for the deprived community from the ancient world to the present world? The future activities are to expand its various roots by writing and researching especially to know about the music of lost communities from humanity such as Maya civilization.
2005
Cameroonians essentialize their Bamiléké populations as highly disciplined, hard working, successful in commercial ventures, and exceptionally devoted to their traditions, qualities captured popularly in the phrase "le dynamisme bamiléké." Given that music is commonly regarded as an entertainment and pastime and thus perhaps as distracting from discipline and hard work, it comes as something of a surprise that traditional musical performance permeates village and urban life of a subgroup of the Bamiléké, the Ngiembɔɔn. In this study, I argue that musical performance in fact contributes to and is consistent with Bamiléké dynamism rather than detracting from it. To make this argument, I develop a model of reciprocal communication, which I apply to rural and urban contexts of musical performance. Through this exploration of the physical, musical, and social infrastructures undergirding Ngiembɔɔn communicative strategies, I show that musical performance does indeed invigorate Bamiléké culture, not only in affective arenas, but in economic and material areas as well. In particular, I argue that music powerfully mediates and energizes reciprocal communication with givers, enforcers, and protectors of traditional Ngiembɔɔn values and social structures, both living and dead. I further suggest that this musically invigorated communication creates physical and symbolic feedback resonance, thereby helping to perpetuate, strengthen, and extend le dynamisme bamiléké. Information on how to obtain a DVD containing the audio and video clips referred to in the dissertation is available by request: [email protected]
The 16th Annual Symposium for Music Scholars in Finland, 2012
The present paper seeks to establish the distinction (if there is any) between contemporary ethnomusicology and cultural musicology by using my own Ph.D. research project as a case study. One way to approach this task is to assess the extent to which the very topic and objectives of my Ph.D. project, as well as at the theories and methodologies used, correspond to the current tendencies in the two fields of studies. The aim of such a survey is twofold: one is to open a debate on the (im)possibility of drawing clear disciplinary boundaries, and the other is to try and position my Ph.D. research along disciplinary lines.
Music as knowledge The very notion of artistic research suggests that some form of new knowledge might spring from such an activity. Before confronting the thornier question of specifically musical knowledge, we must at least consider that such an idea presupposes the broader possibility of cultural knowledge: the understanding or potential for transformation— shared or individual, lasting or temporary—that is a response to cultural activity. We might even suggest that the generation of such knowledge is the function (or evidence) of cultural behaviour. The activity of musicians, then, is to engage on some level with the production of cultural knowledge. Irreducible to epistêmê or technê, cultural knowledge requires a context, some degree of common experience, however tacit or individually interpreted, if it is to enter the stream of cultural consciousness. " Research " suggests reflection—the search for knowledge rather than its incidental generation. The knowledge production inherent in reflective musical practices becomes and needs to become more explicit at certain moments of cultural evolution—and I suggest that the present is such a moment. This emerging-into-discourse entails some kind of bidirectional mapping or projection as part of such a mediated percolation of ideas—hence the naturally multidisciplinary nature of artistic research. Our technology-informed moment is also particular in this respect: the mapping, transposition, and re-representation of structures, data, or concepts is a key operator of contemporary culture. Reflective musicians find themselves surrounded by a universal culture—allowing for historical extinction and geographical ignorance—with which they have to form some kind of relationship, and yet any knowledge they make of it must be grounded in their own
Ethnomusicology Forum, 2020
The record labels Sahel Sounds and Sublime Frequencies position themselves as insurgent alternatives to the mainstream music industry’s capitalist profiteering in the global circulation of Tuareg music. While they are rooted in an art scene promoting a new media ethics and mode of world music circulation characterised by David Novak [2011. ‘The Sublime Frequencies of New Old Media’. Public Culture 23(3): 603–34] as ‘World Music 2.0,’ the relations of production among the Tuareg artists and American producers involved, in many respects, differ little from those of other labels. I argue that these producers’ claims to subversive subject positions are primarily motivated by the values of their U.S. social worlds rather than those of northwest Africa, though these worlds are entangled. To this end, I situate these labels within a particular global network of music circulation, examining their remediation of salvaged recordings, production of new studio albums, and competing claims of ethnographic authority to show their ambivalent reckonings with the commodification process.
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