張瑋哲 使徒行傳十七章22－31節 期末報告

2016

Of regular script calligraphy styles from the Tang Dynasty, the style of Yan Zhen-qing (709-785) became one of the most highly regarded styles by later scholars. For centuries, " Yan style " was seen as a climax of Tang Dynasty regular script, and his work has had a wide and profound effect on Chinese calligraphy ever since. However, Tang Dynasty calligraphy critics did not place much value on Yan style, and they did not think of Yan Zhen-qing as a great calligrapher. This phenomenon is difficult to understand. The main aim of this paper is to further investigate the above-mentioned observation of Yan's lack of popularity in the Tang dynasty. The conclusions are as follows: 1. There are only ten extant genuine works of Yan Zhen-qing's regular script calligraphy, including Wang-lin Mu Zhi "Wang Lin's Epitaph", Duo-bao-ta Bei "Prabhutaratna Pagoda Stele",Yan Qin-li Bei " Stele for Yan Qin-li" and others. All other works are either co...

2021

The catalogue of Buddhist texts in China started with the Zongli zhongjing mulu 綜 理眾經目錄 by Daoan 道安 (314-385). Following the appearance of the Chu sanzang jiji 出 三藏記集 in the early six century and other catalogues in the Sui and early Tang dynasties, in Kaiyuan 18 of the Tang (730) the Kaiyuan sijiao lu 開元釋教録 of twenty fascicles was compiled by Zhisheng 智昇 (d.u.) at Xichongfu si 西崇福寺, and has since become the standard of later catalogues of Buddhist texts. During the reigns of Xuanzong (r. 712-756), Suzong (r. 756-762), Daizong (r. 762-779), and Dezong (r. 779-805) of the mid-Tang, Buddhist texts translated by Amoghavajra (705-774) and others were newly added to the Buddhist canon. In Zhenyuan 11 (755), Yuanzhao 圓照 (718?-799?) at Ximing si 西明寺 completed the Zhenyuan xu Kaiyuan sijiao lu 貞元續開元釋教録 of three fascicles, and then in Zhenyuan 16 (800) he submitted (to the court) the Zhenyuan xinding sijiao mulu 貞元新 定釋教目録 of thirty fascicles. Afterwards, from Dazhong 9 (855) to Xiantong 1 (860), based on the "Ruzang lu 入藏錄" (Register of the texts actually taken in the canon) of the Zhenyuan lu, Vanaya master Congfan 從梵 (d. u.) in Zhaojun 趙郡 compiled the Yiqiejing yuan pinci lu 一切経源品次録 of thirty fascicles. People have come to know in recent years that there is the twentieth fascicle of the Xinzuan Yiqiejing yuan pinci lu 新纘一切經源品次録 of the first Korean canon edition in the National Museum of Korea, and that it is the only extant text of the Pinci lu. This paper first re-examines early studies of the jinglu 經錄 (the catalogue of Buddhist texts), a genre to which the Yiqiejing yuan pinci lu belongs. Then it turns attention to the twentieth fascicle of the Xinzuan Yiqiejing yuan pinci lu of the first Korean canon edition and, through the analysis of its contents, reveals the relationship of the Pinci lu with the Khitan canon and its influence on the Korea canon via the Korean canon.

人文中國學報, 2021

法鼓佛學學報, 2008

This article takes various expressions using the Chinese term "speak" (shuo) as the basis for its investigation of Nāgārjuna's linguistic strategy. These include speak, unspeakable, unspoken, and spoken by prajñapti in the Chinese version of the Mūlamadhyamakākarikā. I first point out the two background causes that make the Buddha withdraw from preaching and remain in silence: the profundity of the Dharma and the limits of people's capacities. In response, the Mūlamadhyamakākarikā seems to reveal a two-sided strategy, i.e., confirmation and negation. On the one hand, it emphasizes the unspeakable to get rid of people's attachment, until at last all prapañcas have ceased, and one arrives at the unspoken. On the other hand, Mūlamadhyamakākarikā positively approves of the conventional truth and prajñapti to express that conventional linguistic cognition is necessary. The Mūlamadhyamakākarikā's theory of pratītya-samutpāda and śūnyatā, therefore, reveal double the aspects of negation and confirmation in Buddhist Philosophy and lead people to the way of nirvāṇa.

國立政治大學歷史學報, 2008

This article is an attempt to explore how scholarly doctors perceived and treated ”demonic affliction” in Ming-Qing China. In the recent past certain medical historians claimed that the classic Chinese medicine is a ”rationalized” medical system primarily based on naturalistic explanations of illness and methods of treatment. To me, this viewpoint is only partly true. In fact, shamanistic exorcism and religious healings have never been excluded completely from Chinese medicine throughout the ages. The ritual therapies of zhouyou 祝由 and zhoujin 咒禁 have even become a part of the official medical education since the Tang until the late Ming. It is therefore my interest to examine if the scholarly doctors in the later ages employed any ritual therapy of this kind, particularly in the cases of ”demonic affliction”. To begin with, my article introduces a category of illnesses, namely, xiesui (literally trans. ”evil influences”) as recorded in Ming-Qing medical writings. Some doctors inter...

2013

How did people in the Han (漢) Dynasty project their attachment to and imagination of hometown? What does this “hometown”refer to? These are the two questions which this thesis wants to ask. This thesis especially emphasizes the political context which personal feelings depend on and tries to explore how people in the Han Dynasty removed themselves from the indulgence and restraint of homesickness. How did an individual still keep different ways of emotional expression while sharing the same homesick atmosphere? The exhibition of these differences is called agency in this thesis. Chapter One explores how Liu Bang(劉邦) and Xiang Yu(項羽) felt homesick and their different relations and reactions to“hometown” according to the examples of choosing capital cities. What is involved includes not only emotional aspects but political calculations and rational reasoning. The two’s every decision was to seek for a balance between attachment with hometown and political calculations. In addition, th...

《玄奘佛學研究》25期, 2016

摩登伽女的故事歷來都是漢傳佛教警戒男修行者遠離美色誘惑的 典型，她也成為情欲魔女的象徵。民國16 年溥緒（1882－1933）（清逸 居士）創作《摩登伽女曲本》，由京劇名伶尚小雲於北京新明戲院演出， 引起轟動。民國22 年，這個印度來的故事被印度泰戈爾（1861－1941） 創作成歌舞劇《昌達爾姑娘》，再改編為《昌達爾姑娘歌舞劇》搬上劇 場公演，至今仍表演不輟。同時代的二個劇本都能移動傳統視角，正視 摩登伽女自身，卸去僵化的魔女形象，但又各自呼應著自己的文化土壤 與時代關懷，呈現不同主題寓意：一者關注她的情愛與修悟，以色幻悟 道為精神；一者關注她的啟蒙與平等，以實踐平等新生為精神。 在溥緒筆下，摩登伽女具有端莊美麗，專情高潔的形象，有傳統文 學的杜麗娘之傷春幽情、賈寶玉之色空悟道，又有《西遊記》魔考誘惑 的情節。故事關注情愛與修悟，在情愛美色的貪執中，徹悟不淨與如幻， 並輔以平等慈悲之懷。 而泰戈爾的歌舞劇，藉此抒發對印度種姓不平等制度的批判。他筆 下的摩登伽女言語靈動，活潑熱情，從不平等的種姓思惟中被啟蒙新生 後，自我作主，勇敢追愛，這份蘊含「愛」的新生，歸向阿難與佛陀所 象徵的平等慈悲，隱含泰戈爾「在愛中徹悟」的梵愛合一路徑。 就女性視角詮釋的二個路徑「情欲主動」、「速證果位」觀察，溥緒 以專情高潔之主動來詮釋其「情欲主動」，並以消融情欲而得悟，雖然 能呈現她因情而悟，但並無深刻描寫其「速證果位」。泰戈爾則完全沒 有著墨「速證果位」，主力全在「情欲主動」上，這份主動來自平等的 啟蒙，情欲化為自主勇敢去愛，與泰戈爾「梵愛合一」的宗教哲學呼應。 關鍵詞：摩登伽女、阿難、溥緒、泰戈爾、昌達爾姑娘 In Chinese Buddhism, the story of Matangi's daughter has been taken as a warning for male Buddhists to keep away from the temptation of lust, and Matangi's daughter has become a representative of femme fatale. In 1927, Pu Xu (1882-1933, art name Qing Yi Ju Shi) composed a tune of ＂Matangi's daughter＂, starred by Shang Xiao-yun and caused a sensation in the Xinming Theater in Beijing. Then in 1933, this Indian story was written as a musical drama ＂Chandalika＂ by the respected Indian writer Rabindranath Tagore, and be readapted and played in theaters until now. These two scripts of the same era both change the point of view toward female by facing up to this character and getting rid of the stereotype as a femme fatale. What's more, they reflect to their own cultural soil and contemporary concern, and present two different theme implications: the former focuses on her love and enlightenment, taking enlightenment from form & vision as the essence; the later focuses on h...

2014

2017

Generally speaking, people believe that the living conditions of the new area will be better, then they make decision to migrate to another place to live. In the theory of migration, it can be divided into individual factors and structural factors. No matter which factor, migration will have an effect on the development of immigrant society. In 1949, there were over 1.2 millions of the people who migrated from mainland China to Taiwan. Undoubtedly, it was caused by the structural and political factors that pushed the "great migration". Because the immigrants moving into Taiwan accounted for a considerable proportion of the population, they formatted an ethnic group so-called "mainlanders". This paper attempts to use migration as an approach to review and explore the development of society in Taiwan in the second half of the 20th century. The time frame is between the year of 1949 when the Nationalist government immigrated to Taiwan and the year of 1996 when direct presidential election took place in Taiwan.