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Neither art, nor philosophy, nor politics, gardens have been relegated to the status of a specialised, even minor, subject somewhat apart from the key themes of mainstream historical analysis. This chapter aims to correct that bias and demonstrate that the study of gardens can offer insights into all these areas and even suggest an alternative perspective that challenges the accepted understanding of the Early Modern period. It will question the widely held view that English taste became more sinophobic in the course of the eighteenth century as radical democratic sensibilities emerged. Rather than seeing the English response to Chinese gardens as an alien idea, superficially understood and badly executed, it will be suggested that it is more productive to understand the process as a series of related and interlinked responses to the expansion and greater integration of the global market in both England and China.
Comparative Civilizations Review, 1992
The year 1692 saw in London the production of an opera entided The Fairy Queen, which contained a Chinese interlude: While the stage is darkened a single entry is danced. Then a symphony is played; after the scene is suddenly illuminated, and discovers a transparent prospect of a Chinese garden, the architecture, the trees, the plants, the fruit, the birds, the beasts, quite different from what we have in this part of the world. It is terminated by an arch, through which is seen other arches with close arbors, and a row of trees to the end of the view. Over it is a hanging garden, which rises by several ascents to the top of the house; it is bounded on either side with pleasant bowers, various trees, and numbers of strange birds flying in the air, on the top of the platform is a fountain, throwing up water, which falls into a large basin (Honour 77). This setting is interesting to us in several ways. The designer was no doubt a zealous experimentalist in what he thought to be an exotic form of beauty. He sincerely believed that what he brought to the stage would be a charming presentation contributing tremendously to the success of the play. Indeed, both the "Chinese garden" and the opera itself were favorably received by the audience. However, the designer's knowledge of China hardly exceeded some obscure and unsubstantial conceptions. Knowing virtually nothing of the fauna and flora of that remote country, he could not commit himself to any definitive descriptions of the plants, the birds and the beasts in his "Chinese garden," and had to seek refuge in such vague and ambiguous epithets as "strange" and "different." In the passage quoted above, the only image one can visualize is probably the fountain, which, ironically, is typical not of a Chinese garden but of a European one. Of course, to accuse the designer of a willful misrepresentation of the Chinese art of gardening would be beside the point, for the *I would like to thank Professor Eugene Eoyang of Indiana University for his many helpful criticisms and suggestions throughout the writing of this article.
Garden History 44, no.2 (2016): 292-3.
2016
This essay uses the example of the Chinese tree peony, a flower much desired by British gardeners at the start of the nineteenth century as well as a flower much reproduced in horticultural periodicals and on consumer commodities, to explain the era's interconnected understanding of the process of cultivation. Organic cultivations, foreign and domestic, were not separated from social and personal cultivations in verbal and visual discourse but rather mutually reinforced each other. Following these connections helps explain the ever-growing estrangement between nineteenth-century subjects and the nature that surrounded them in terms that connect environmental, aesthetic, and literary history.
Garden History, 1990
Those acquainted with William Kent's work were quite certain that he had wrought a revolution in gardening style. It probably never occurred to them that anyone would dispute the style's nativity in England. However their uncritical advocacy of Kent has not eliminated the scope for controversy. Was the new style a complete break, or did it grow out of the tradition of regular layouts? Did the style really start in England, and at the hand of William Kent, as those mentioned before supposed? Was the inspiration for the style poetry, painting, the theatre, Nature, Italian gardens in decay or some other source of imagery? Such questions are not just modern; indeed they started not forty years after the alleged invention of the natural style. There were those who denied the credit to Kent; those who championed him; and those whose explanations merely served to confuse.
Perspectives on Garden Histories, 1999
as well as two anonymous reviewers, for their valuable comments on an earlier version of this essay. Chinese and Japanese proper names are given in the traditional order: surnames first. Chinese names, terms, and titles are transliterated in standard pinyin. Where a modern Chinese author's name is known in a different form of transliteration, I have followed the author's preferred form and given the pinyin version in brackets where possible. 1 The study of Chinese garden designers, or more correctly, designers of rockeries, is a conspicuous case in point. See my "Guide to Secondary Sources on Chinese Gardens," Studies in the History of Gardens and Designed Landscapes, forthcoming, section 1.5. 2 The idea is taken from G. Agamben, The Coming Community, trans. M. Hardt, Minneapolis, 1993, 10-11. 206 Stanislaus Fung admixture of history and historiography. This essay emphasizes a sense of new prospects in the study of Chinese gardens by juxtaposing traditional sources and modern writings. The citation of modern studies of Chinese gardens and the discussion of traditional Chinese sources in a common space of examples has the effect of blurring the historical study of Chinese gardens and the modern historiography of Chinese gardens. This is because emerging possibilities for further research are often discovered in considering modern historiography in retrospect; this sense of possibilities can also inform our understanding of the significance of certain traditional writings, and a new understanding of the traditional writings can then offer a new understanding of the nature and specific assumptions of modern works of scholarship. In the midst of what one might call a feedback to and fro, one is often assaying a new thought on a given topic as much as reporting on established scholarship on that topic. With these strategic remarks in mind, I would like to begin by offering readers unfamiliar with the study of Chinese gardens a simple sketch of three waves of scholarship that can be thought of as bursts of scholarly activity, focusing on works that offered comprehensive surveys of Chinese garden history. Starting in the 1930s with the early systematizing work of the Japanese scholar Oka Oji, Shina tei'en ron (On the gardens of China), and Sugimura Yûzo's Chûgoku no niwa (Gardens of China), we have the first attempts at the comprehensive narrative of historical developments and trends in Chinese garden history. 3 Japanese interest in Chinese gardens has had a long history, and after the reforms of the Meiji period, it certainly became a significant source of influence for Chinese academic developments. 4 Oka Oji's work is the most comprehensive chronological work on Chinese gardens of its time, but due to the limited circulation of Japanese books in China for several decades after its publication, it would be misleading to suggest that later Chinese research built on its findings. 5 In what might be considered a second wave, starting only in the mid-1980s, the early Japanese studies were superseded by Chinese works of comparable scope and detail. Zhang Jiaji's Zhongguo zaoyuan shi (History of Chinese gardens) and Zhou Index
2002
1. Janus-faced England 2. Re-presenting the countryside: William Robinson and the wild garden 3. Domesticating the nation: the cottage garden 4. Ordering the landscape: the Art Workers Guild and the formal garden 5. The battle of the styles and the recounting of English garden history 6. Gertrude Jekyll: transforming the local into the national 7. Jekyll and Lutyens: resolving the debate.
Global Journal of Cultural Studies, 2022
Gardens include not only art but also nature. According to different relationships between art and nature, this article clarifies five types of gardens: the French-style gardens, the English-style gardens, topiary gardens, Japanese gardens, and Chinese gardens. Based on this clarification, this article argues that Chinese gardens follow the lead of the essential qualities of art instead of the essential qualities of nature. With "borrowing" and "following", the natural elements in Chinese gardens extend to the field of art. The boundaries between art and nature are erased. The aesthetic appreciation of Chinese gardens challenges the "positive aesthetics", which is prevalent in contemporary environmental aesthetics, and endorses a "negative aesthetics", which we can find its supports in traditional Chinese philosophy.
Eighteenth-Century Fiction, 2012
The Classical Gardens of Shanghai is a well researched, beautifully put together, and exquisitely detailed book. Shelly Bryant guides the reader through the five best-known ancient gardens in one of China's most modern cities. The book is structured around the city's five most representative gardens 1 (園林), each chapter picking up a specific perspective: Zuibaichi (醉白池) is told from a historical perspective; Qushui Yuan is explored through its space and text; Guyi Yuan is viewed from the angle of its restorations and revival; Qiuxiapu is presented through a literary lens; and Yu Yuan is narrated through the Pan family and its more recent urban uses. Chapter Six on Yu Yuan is perhaps the most effective, and is a must-read for people who wish to know more about Shanghai's old city centre. In this chapter, " Yu Yuan: Staging a Family Drama " , Bryant finds the perfect pitch for the garden's fantastic spectacle. The intricate narrative not only gives us a full picture of the Pan family who built this garden, its ups and downs, and also its interaction with the city people from the beginning to the present day. Bryant is convincing when she argues that we should not be overly critical of commercialization and rampant consumerism in ancient sites because the bazaar in Yu Yuan is " not a departure from tradition " (119). Through a full account of the garden's genesis and metamorphosis, she makes the persuasive point that, unlike other gardens or historical sites, Yu Yuan has always maintained a balance between " scholarly elegance and gaudy consumerism " (119). This chapter links the gardening, the family stories, the staging of operas, and the dramatic historical events so neatly and organically that I found myself wishing the other chapters were written in the same way. Bryant also blends splendid details such as the fight between the dragon and the toad on the famous dragon wall, as well as urban legends such as the emperor's dismay with the garden's extravagance. The anecdotes are done so well that they speak to each other not only on a socio-political level, but also on a philosophical level. 2 The major challenge of writing such a book is that these gardens have long histories that almost all of them have undergone damage and restorations, have embodied the rich interplay of text and space, and have inevitably witnessed dramatic moments, whether familial or historical. In only 130 pages, Bryant's ambition to encompass all these elements is successful. I am surprised that she 1 Among the five gardens, Zuibaichi, Guyi Yuan, Yu Yuan are better known to the general public and tourists. Qushui Yuan and Qiuxiapu are less well known but by no means less exemplary. 2 The fight between the dragon and the toad is supposed to be unending. The wall top where this scene happens also features the dragon about to eat the three-legged toad (the toad not yet eaten). The underlying philosophy is that neither heaven (symbolized by the dragon) nor the earth (the toad) can defeat the other; they must coexist harmoniously. This lovely image echoes the ongoing urban legends about the emperors feeling threatened by the Jiangnan literati's power and wealth, and their constant restrictions on the gardens' sizes and numbers of dragons. The message is that the ruler (heaven) cannot survive without his intellectual supporters (the earth).
Roczniki Humanistyczne, 2021
This article examines the description of the Changchun Garden in eighteenth-century Beijing, featured in Matteo Ripa's "Storia della Fondazione della Congregazione e del Collegio de' Cinesi". An Italian missionary at the court of the Kangxi Emperor, Ripa had a chance to see and describe both the imperial parks and the intricacies of Chinese court etiquette. His detailed account, a precious source of information on the Changchun park, was accompanied by commentaries aimed at explaining the differences between "European" and "Chinese" aesthetic values. Therefore, this article offers a critical analysis of the account as a historical source, discussing the accuracy of some of the details described by Ripa, and subsequently provides an interpretation of the way he perceived Chinese parks, with an emphasis on his explanations of the "Chinese style" of laying out gardens. Finally, the last part of the article is dedicated to a comparison between a Neapolitan nativity scene (presepio) and the Qing gardens as drawn by Ripa at the end of his description, in order to demonstrate the "artificial naturalness" of Chinese parks.
In the realm of ideas, cross-culturally there are those who take or borrow and those who offer or give. There are those who act with knowledge of actualities and sources and those to whom it doesn’t occur to care. And, there are those who tailor ideas to be used according to views they construct of their audience or clients. All positions in the matrix of possibilities suggested in these oppositions have been occupied over the history of Chinese-style gardens and garden ideas outside China. The ignorant, the knowledgeable and the cunning have each been active both as borrowers and as donors. Concentrating on the development of now publicly-accessible gardens, this paper considers first the history of Chinese-style garden ideas – initially in Japan and South-East Asia, then in Western Europe and, after a considerable hiatus (just before which the favour was briefly returned), now all over the world. But, that history is balanced with consideration of the future: through focusing on three of the problems with wider dissemination and further development of Chinese-style garden ideas – their architectural quality, Chinese taste in rocks, and the already deep entanglement of Japanese-style garden ideas with Modernist landscape aesthetics.
Studies in the History of Gardens & Designed Landscapes: An International Quarterly, 19:3-4, 343-363, 1999
Imperial gardens have formed a particularly rich medium for the geographical analysis of interactions of culture and place. Imperial gardens are elite gardens that often were designed according to a political strategy that aims at inspiring the deference, admiration and obedience of an audience of peers and vassals. Functionally speaking, the imperial gardens of the eighteenth-century courts were conceived to fulfill the monarchs' agendas as they attempted to impress their subjects. This paper is intended as a contribution to the understanding of the limits of making a homology between all imperial gardens across eighteenth-century Eurasia, the comparability of which is assumed to be valid from a functional viewpoint. To analyse the relationship between imperial garden design and the political spectacle displayed by the Qing court, the ways in which visual depictions of gardens as cultural constructions have contributed to the representation of the environment as perceived by the Qing are examined. In the application of the methodology developed by recent scholarship for the study of garden history, I try to make use of contributions in landscape studies, cultural geography and cartography to reveal the Qing ideology of garden representation. I discuss the function of gardens in the expansion of the Qing Empire and use as a case study the gardens of Chengde.
Square-bracketed references at the end of an entry indicates the source of the reference. I have been attempting, ultimately, to cover all sources in English. A major present specific lack is anything that treats sources of design ideas in the private or scholar gardens deriving from family cemeteries. (The lead is provided in, for example, Clunas 1996. 1) Further, explicit treatment of the differences between temple gardens and other types of Chinese gardens is rare-particularly from the point of view of the act of designing. I know only of what is implied in Miller (2004). And, something in English on the relationship between the operas of Suzhou and the gardens they were written for would be good. Finally, there is much of a general nature on feng shui but little that is scholarly that directly deals with the details of its use in garden design. 2 Surely it cannot simply be the result of Ji Cheng's opinion of feng shui practitioners in Yuan Ye? For me, that reads as professional rivalry.
2018
This document is always being updated. Version: 2018 September 09 Compared with the 2016 (previous) edition, there are 92 new items [A1, B11, C8, F9, G1, H3, J6, K4, L8, M5, N1, P9, R2, S7, T6, W3, X1, Y2, Z5]. Additionally, various tyos, oddities of sequence, etc. have been adjusted. The reader should keep in mind my biases. I teach architectural design and design approaches and methods. I am interested in how the gardens were used and understood, but I am interested particularly in how the gardens were designed – not only analytically but, especially, how the designing was carried out, the sequences of design decisions. I am less interested in their history. And, I am an architect and have published the view that the classical Chinese scholar garden was the most sophisticated architectural genre ever invented. Relatively speaking, I am not a landscape architect, a gardener, a historian or a scholar of things Chinese.
ASIANetwork Exchange: A Journal for Asian Studies in the Liberal Arts, 2012
"How can I bear this feeling of past and present?" lamented the artist, Wen Zhengming (1470-1559), ". .. As the present looks upon the past, so will the future look upon the present. " 2 Wen Zhengming brushed this poignant thought while contemplating a painting that he had done after one by his master, Shen Zhou (1427-1509), while Shen Zhou was still alive. Shen Zhou had in turn created his painting after viewing a scroll by Wu Zhen (1280-1354). By the time he made this notation, Wen Zhengming alone remained. Yet he does not seem wholly alone, gazing upon a painting that is embedded with the spirit of his master and his master's master. Time was not linear in that moment; both past and present simultaneously existed in his memory and in the painting. In their book, The Meaning of Things: Domestic symbols and the self, Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi and Eugene Rochberg-Halton propose that it is precisely this connection to memory/emotion that imbues an ordinary object with meaning. 3 This accretion of memory and meaning through repetition is like a pearl forming; once sufficient layers have accumulated, a bit of sand is transformed into a pearl. In imperial China, gardens were often designed by and for viewers with a very specific education in the Chinese classics and in the history of Chinese art. Multiple layers of allusion were understood by these viewers. Can these strata of allusion be transmitted across time and space? Hybridization is unavoidable when transferring a cultural icon, 4 especially one so layered in
Landscape architecture and art
The image of China perceived by the Europeans in the 17th to 18th century was based on the travelogues of the travellers and missionaries. Despite the fact that the first descriptions did not include any pictures of the world, people and landscapes described, the far exotic country with its history and tangible heritage became very popular. This article deals with Chinese pavilions (pagodas, teahouses) built in the early European landscape gardens before 1750 without any architectural plans, using only sketches based on descriptions and travelogues, since in the first half of the 18th century, no relevant technical guidance was available yet. The structures reviewed started to be used frequently in European gardens and public parks from 1750’s, having an inevitable influence on the garden pavilions built from the second half of the 18th century, and indirectly to the image and character of some influential gardens in European context. Moreover, through their craggy appearance, the C...
Transcultural Studies no.2, pp. 45-76, 2013
This paper examines oriental landscape scenes of “luxury” and of “the surprising” as described by Sir William Chambers (1726–1796) in his Dissertation on Oriental Gardening (1772), and analyses them in relation to Edmund Burke’s theory of the sublime and the beautiful. I argue that Chambers’ depiction of these landscape scenes was motivated by a commitment to the importance of maintaining martial virtues in commercial and civil societies. The Dissertation puts forward the role of the surprising scenes for maintaining military vigour in coexistence with the landscape of luxury. For Chambers, landscape is a site for shaping citizens’ sensations and virtues. Chambers articulated his sensationalist landscape, which was deeply influenced by the Scottish Enlightenment discourses of physiology, virtue, and commerce theory, through the disguise of a Chinese garden. The Dissertation provides an important example of how discourses on the building of Britain’s identity operated through allegory within the framework of cultural interaction between Asia and Europe during the early modern period.
2021
During the eleventh and twelfth centuries in Byzantium and China, the garden as a site of pleasure was an important literary theme among literati. Although pleasure had long been associated with gardens prior to this period, its simultaneous resurgence in both cultures was specifically linked to new ways of engaging with the classical tradition. This paper explores the nature and significance of the discourse of pleasure in the imagination of gardens in these two culturally distinct, but historically resonant, imperial societies. Noting important parallels and divergences in the literature surrounding pleasurable gardens in the two traditions, it argues that the garden as a site of pleasure was more than a document of the carefree pleasures of communing with nature. Instead, it was a declaration among literati – constrained by their place in a vast imperial bureaucratic system – of their agency, their integrity and, above all, their virtue. Far from being just a psychological or aff...
White Rose University Press eBooks, 2020
The overall question of Lancelot Brown's reputation in France is vexed, as one is hard pressed to find evidence of his having a high profile, or any profile at all, in eighteenth-century and early nineteenth-century French writings. Is it possible that the 'famous Mr Brown' was not so famous in France after all? Admittedly, France experienced several waves of anglomania throughout the eighteenth century, with prominent peaks in the 1750s and in the 1770s. The furore, or furor hortensis, as some have called it, embraced a rage for all things English in the garden. 1 After his stay in England, Voltaire was very much taken with native creativity and it was nourished by his special relationship with William Chambers, as can be ascertained from their exchanges in 1772: 'Sir, it is not enough to love, or have gardens; one must have eyes to see them, and legs to walk in them'. 2 Although not French, Jean-Jacques Rousseau contributed to shaping French mentalités: he spent some time between 1765 and 1767 at Wootton Hall (Staffs) and was no less enthusiastic in 1772 when he thanked the Duchess of Portland for sending him a copy of William Mason's English Garden: 'the book on English gardens you have been so kind as to send me ... I do not underestimate its value, since it is esteemed and translated in this country; and besides I am bound to like the subject, having been the first on the Continent to celebrate and transmit these very gardens'. 3 Voltaire and Rousseau disputed their claims to be the first spokesmen in French of the so-called English garden, but in fact interest had been widespread through private epistolary networks. Equally, it is worth noting that the circulation of drawings also insured a continuous knowledge of English innovations as evidenced by several instances of artists, landowners, and exiled aristocrats producing visual
Journal of Contemporary Urban Affairs, 2018
This paper examines the design philosophy of classical Suzhou gardens in China, with regards to their natural and architectural elements on the moral education of the inhabitants. Through studying the metaphorical connotations of garden elements, the author reflects on their propositions for contemporary environmental ethics, aesthetic appreciation, and moral education. As such, the article is structured around three themes: classical Chinese gardens cultivating environmental ethics, classical Chinese gardens cultivating appreciation of aesthetics, and classical Chinese gardens cultivating moral characters. The essay finally suggests that classical Chinese gardens are landscapes for self-cultivation.
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