主日講道 : 路得記 1:1-2 題目：神對我們永恆拯救的綢繆 黃紹權牧師

2016

Of regular script calligraphy styles from the Tang Dynasty, the style of Yan Zhen-qing (709-785) became one of the most highly regarded styles by later scholars. For centuries, " Yan style " was seen as a climax of Tang Dynasty regular script, and his work has had a wide and profound effect on Chinese calligraphy ever since. However, Tang Dynasty calligraphy critics did not place much value on Yan style, and they did not think of Yan Zhen-qing as a great calligrapher. This phenomenon is difficult to understand. The main aim of this paper is to further investigate the above-mentioned observation of Yan's lack of popularity in the Tang dynasty. The conclusions are as follows: 1. There are only ten extant genuine works of Yan Zhen-qing's regular script calligraphy, including Wang-lin Mu Zhi "Wang Lin's Epitaph", Duo-bao-ta Bei "Prabhutaratna Pagoda Stele",Yan Qin-li Bei " Stele for Yan Qin-li" and others. All other works are either co...

2017

本文在方法論上嚴謹依循「澄清概念」、「釐清判準」，以及「建構系統」三條原則，透過對先秦儒家原典的全面分析，探討「聖」、「聖人」及「聖人之道」等重要概念的豐富內涵，闡明「君子之道」與「聖人之道」之間適當的義理關係，並藉由先秦儒家「聖人觀」的基本理解進一步釐清其人性論與其「道統意識」的確切指涉，從而對先秦儒家之「道」展開系統性的界說。為了達成這些研究目的，本文著手回應下述四項核心問題：一，先秦儒家所謂的「聖」及「聖人」到底實指什麼？換言之，「聖人」的標準何在？二，如何界定「君子」（「君子之道」）與「聖人」（「聖人之道」）之間的適當關係？三，能否藉由先秦儒家「聖人觀」的分析反思其共通的「道統意識」？四，先秦儒者所主張的「聖人觀」與其人性論能否取得意義上的融貫？經由本文對《論語》、《孟子》以及《中庸》之「聖人觀」的解析，以及對先秦儒家「道統意識」的重新界定及再詮釋，我們得出以下三點結論。 其一，有關儒家「聖人」的定位問題，「聖人」是在某君子離世以後作為後世君子所敬仰和追念的道德典範而獲得的尊稱；它既是對君子一生道德事蹟的肯認與嘉定，也是作為後世君子所學習與效法的垂世典範。其次，「聖人之道」與「君子之道」不是彼此對立，各自為政的兩個概念，而實為一對相互證成、交相輝映的概念：「君子之道」以達成「聖人之道」為其終極目的，「聖人之道」必須藉由「君子之道」的具體開展而呈現其意義。具體來說，「聖人之道」透過聖人教化的形式構成一連接異代儒者的「意義場域」，而在此特殊的意義場域中，君子或聖人之徒將以歷代聖人的道德事功及人格典範為其自身行道的參照系。此「意義場域」之所以可能，關鍵在於先秦儒家一貫主張的「聖凡同心」之要義——每個人都有可能透過自身的立志和實踐而與「聖人之道」相契合，而「聖人之道」亦有義務光照每個人的成聖之路 。如此一來，「聖人之道」與「君子之道」即為同一個「道」的兩種面向，而這兩種面向經常是相互交涉的——沒有「君子之道」對「聖人之道」的期許與追求，「聖人之道」將淪為空洞懸浮的理念；沒有「聖人之道」的範導作用，「君子之道」將難以完成其自身的拓展。 其二，本文承接前面對先秦儒家「聖人觀」所展開的分析，試圖藉由一個概念的提出凸顯先秦儒家「聖人觀」的共同意識與關懷，並且將散漫於各先秦儒家經典的「聖賢論述」統合在一嚴謹的理論架構之中。這個概念即為「道統意識」。先秦儒者的「道統意識」...

2013

How did people in the Han (漢) Dynasty project their attachment to and imagination of hometown? What does this “hometown”refer to? These are the two questions which this thesis wants to ask. This thesis especially emphasizes the political context which personal feelings depend on and tries to explore how people in the Han Dynasty removed themselves from the indulgence and restraint of homesickness. How did an individual still keep different ways of emotional expression while sharing the same homesick atmosphere? The exhibition of these differences is called agency in this thesis. Chapter One explores how Liu Bang(劉邦) and Xiang Yu(項羽) felt homesick and their different relations and reactions to“hometown” according to the examples of choosing capital cities. What is involved includes not only emotional aspects but political calculations and rational reasoning. The two’s every decision was to seek for a balance between attachment with hometown and political calculations. In addition, th...

法鼓佛學學報, 2008

This article takes various expressions using the Chinese term "speak" (shuo) as the basis for its investigation of Nāgārjuna's linguistic strategy. These include speak, unspeakable, unspoken, and spoken by prajñapti in the Chinese version of the Mūlamadhyamakākarikā. I first point out the two background causes that make the Buddha withdraw from preaching and remain in silence: the profundity of the Dharma and the limits of people's capacities. In response, the Mūlamadhyamakākarikā seems to reveal a two-sided strategy, i.e., confirmation and negation. On the one hand, it emphasizes the unspeakable to get rid of people's attachment, until at last all prapañcas have ceased, and one arrives at the unspoken. On the other hand, Mūlamadhyamakākarikā positively approves of the conventional truth and prajñapti to express that conventional linguistic cognition is necessary. The Mūlamadhyamakākarikā's theory of pratītya-samutpāda and śūnyatā, therefore, reveal double the aspects of negation and confirmation in Buddhist Philosophy and lead people to the way of nirvāṇa.

2021

The catalogue of Buddhist texts in China started with the Zongli zhongjing mulu 綜 理眾經目錄 by Daoan 道安 (314-385). Following the appearance of the Chu sanzang jiji 出 三藏記集 in the early six century and other catalogues in the Sui and early Tang dynasties, in Kaiyuan 18 of the Tang (730) the Kaiyuan sijiao lu 開元釋教録 of twenty fascicles was compiled by Zhisheng 智昇 (d.u.) at Xichongfu si 西崇福寺, and has since become the standard of later catalogues of Buddhist texts. During the reigns of Xuanzong (r. 712-756), Suzong (r. 756-762), Daizong (r. 762-779), and Dezong (r. 779-805) of the mid-Tang, Buddhist texts translated by Amoghavajra (705-774) and others were newly added to the Buddhist canon. In Zhenyuan 11 (755), Yuanzhao 圓照 (718?-799?) at Ximing si 西明寺 completed the Zhenyuan xu Kaiyuan sijiao lu 貞元續開元釋教録 of three fascicles, and then in Zhenyuan 16 (800) he submitted (to the court) the Zhenyuan xinding sijiao mulu 貞元新 定釋教目録 of thirty fascicles. Afterwards, from Dazhong 9 (855) to Xiantong 1 (860), based on the "Ruzang lu 入藏錄" (Register of the texts actually taken in the canon) of the Zhenyuan lu, Vanaya master Congfan 從梵 (d. u.) in Zhaojun 趙郡 compiled the Yiqiejing yuan pinci lu 一切経源品次録 of thirty fascicles. People have come to know in recent years that there is the twentieth fascicle of the Xinzuan Yiqiejing yuan pinci lu 新纘一切經源品次録 of the first Korean canon edition in the National Museum of Korea, and that it is the only extant text of the Pinci lu. This paper first re-examines early studies of the jinglu 經錄 (the catalogue of Buddhist texts), a genre to which the Yiqiejing yuan pinci lu belongs. Then it turns attention to the twentieth fascicle of the Xinzuan Yiqiejing yuan pinci lu of the first Korean canon edition and, through the analysis of its contents, reveals the relationship of the Pinci lu with the Khitan canon and its influence on the Korea canon via the Korean canon.

東吳中文研究集刊 第11期, 2004

隨著地下文物的出土，尤其是簡帛佚籍的發現，使得思想史的研究得以展開新頁。如過去學者所討論的「五行」，對於《荀子．非十二子》中「案往舊造說，謂之五行」的批評，受於資料限制，往往不得其解。等到馬王堆帛書與郭店楚簡〈五行〉篇出土後，這問題才得到大致的解決，並抽繹出儒學中，子思、孟子一系的發展。郭店楚簡另有一篇〈太一生水〉，其蘊含的宇宙生成、名實關係、天地形狀與古老的自然、數術觀念，俱與道家學說有相通之處。本文便取先秦至前漢的道家典籍加以比較，尤其是《老子》一書，最後並歸結其思考模式的特色，以期能對當時道家思想的樣貌有更深一層認識。

2016

2013 年9、10 月間，中國國家主席習近平利用訪問中亞四國與印尼的機會，分別提出建設「絲綢之路經濟帶」與「21 世紀海上絲綢之路」的構想。而這樣的戰略意圖到底是如同中國外長王毅所強調的「不是地緣工具……不能用冷戰思維看待」，亦或是如解放軍少將喬良所稱「是跟美國戰略東移的一次對沖」。事實上，中國崛起在國際認知上，從來就沒有一致的認知，是否將會因經濟實力的變遷，而衝擊當前國際秩序，原本就在不同學派認知的爭議中劇烈衝撞。攤開地緣戰略地圖，如此大規模的跨區域戰略布局，不可能僅止於經濟、貿易、通商等低位階的安排，而不去調動高位階的國際政治與權力結構關係。因此，如何觀察這樣一個戰略安排的本質，如何理解其中的權力轉換，如何思考崛起中國在歐亞世界島的權力位置，而如此龐大的跨區域整合、鉅額的投資需求，複雜的權力重組，將會帶來的是無限美好的發展藍圖，亦或是新一輪冷戰的再起，基本上都是本文所關切，而亟欲思考、解決的議題。透過戰略局勢的地緣觀察，筆者認為，地緣的本質不變性與變動性，恰正可以提供超越意識形態認知的一條思維途徑。

2014

2001

由於台灣天然災害發生的頻率甚高，常釀成重大災情，災難防治遂為重要課題。九二一地震讓我國災難防救體系成為眾所矚目的焦點，開啟一扇政策討論之窗。然而，一個尚未被深入探究的面向，則是民主化如何影響救災行政體系的運作。災難援救看似一個技術性的工作，可透過強而有力的官僚體係－良好的人員訓練、精密而充分的工具設備，再加上有效的領導統御－來解決。但步入民主化之後，行政官僚的行動必須兼具回應性與可靠性，故面對災難，政府已無法單向地施政，而必須與受治者密切互動－民眾會定義災難情境並因此對政府有所期待，政府則必須有效處理這樣的期待以維繫政權。同時，民主的新挑戰乃私部門的興起以及官僚體系的網絡化－由許多擁有自治權以及不同利益觀點的行政次體系，要共同擔負災難情境的管理工作。因此，如何促成各組織間的協調與合作，成就此「治理」的工作，乃民主化之後災難治理的新課題。本文除援引上述理論來解釋九二一震災中為何政府救災成效不彰外，並強調各級政府間伙伴關係的建立，政治利益被正確地認識並納入制度改造的考量，才是改善我國災難治理效能之道。