Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.
To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.
2019, 1971 'CITIZEN'S COMMISSION TO INVESTIGATE THE FBI' COINTELPRO
AI
The 1971 Citizens' Commission to Investigate the FBI revealed the existence of COINTELPRO, a secret FBI program that targeted anti-war and civil rights activists through illegal surveillance and harassment. The Commission's actions exposed extensive government overreach and sparked national debate over the limits of surveillance and civil liberties, ultimately contributing to reforms in intelligence practices. This historic break-in demonstrated the urgency for accountability in government actions and shaped subsequent legislative measures to protect citizens' rights.
Peace & Change: A Journal of Peace Research, 2020
During the Vietnam War, the FBI conducted counterintelligence operations on many groups and individuals seen as communist collaborators and national security threats. The War Resisters League, a pacifist group, was not just a target of FBI surveillance but was cast by the agency as a seditious organization. FBI records and corroborating sources show that Hoover's aim was to consolidate his own power over the Justice Department and, in the later years of the war in Vietnam, the White House. Since the majority of existing scholarship on FBI surveillance of the WRL focuses on the interwar period between World War I and World War II, this study expands this history into the critical period between 1965 and 1973. Within this history is Hoover's process of casting the WRL as a threat and violating members' civil liberties to "thwart" it. This process not only had an impact on the WRL's ability to organize but also created a dynamic between nonviolent antiwar activists and the Department of Justice that remains resonant in the twenty-first century. In January 1969, a high school student wrote a letter to Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) director J. Edgar Hoover. In it, he requested information about the War Resisters League (WRL), the oldest absolute pacifist group in the United States. The student, a member of a Modern Problems class at Detroit High School, wrote in regards to a letter WRL member Dwight MacDonald sent to the school stating "as a class, we are divided in our attitudes regarding this organization. Some feel it is an over-zealous, patriotic, organization. Others of us, having read Masters of Deceit, have reason to believe it is a Communist front organization." 1 Later that year, a parent wrote to Hoover about the WRL, stating, "I have a son attending college, who is hooked on this 'War Resisters League,' who's [sic] address is 339 Lafayette St. New York. If you could furnish some
2019
uring the middle of the twentieth century, the political climate of the United States-both in a global context and within the borders of the nation-was going through a period of tumult. With the advent of the Red Scare, which intensified during the 1940s and 1950s, when tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union were particularly high, there was a prevailing fear throughout the country of anything that may have been related to communism. On top of this fear, though, was another: African Americans, who had been systematically oppressed from the very beginning of their time in the United States, were calling more and more loudly for freedom and equality. This-the Civil Rights Movement-contributed another dimension to the tumultuous political climate of the U.S. during the mid-twentieth century. Compounded with the fear and hatred of communism was also a fear of black Americans ascending to the same societal plane as white Americans, especially among individuals and groups of people who held racist views and had reservations about equality between blacks and whites. One of the groups of people who seemed to have reservations about such a concept was the United States' own Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), particularly under the direction of J. Edgar Hoover, during the Cold War. These reservations are evident in many of the surveillance files compiled for African Americans by the Bureau during the middle of the century. At the time, The FBI was an inherently racist and reactionary organization that targeted African American activists and artists from the very beginnings of movements for freedom and equality, treating them unjustly in an effort to maintain a status quo that thrived on racially based power dynamics. However, despite its reactionary behavior towards certain African Americans, such as Lorraine Hansberry, James Baldwin, and Paul Robeson-all deemed "radical"-the Bureau effectively gave them no choice but to empower themselves. Although it is no excuse for racism and oppression, the FBI's unfair treatment, while utterly despicable, ultimately gave the artists a platform on which to overcome hardship, bolstering their publicity and legacies, which has made their work even more poignant than it may have otherwise been.
Intelligence and national security, 2020
Activists Under Surveillance presents readers with declassified documents which formed part of the FBI's investigations into persons and groups deemed to pose a threat to America's security. Most of the targeted were activists who had morally and intellectually defensible reasons to oppose some of the U.S. government's policies, such as the mistreatment of minorities or the war against North Vietnam, and yet they were perceived by the FBI as subversive threats potentially being directed by Moscow. Activists Under Surveillance shows how this politicization empowered unelected and unaccountable bureaucrats to pursue suspects and, in so doing, criminalize legitimate opposition and seriously compromise civil liberties, particularly during the Cold War. Additionally, the text under review contributes to our understanding of the Intelligence Community's (IC) politicization from the middle of the 20 th century to the present; accordingly, it will be of keen interest to scholars and general readers concerned with this tendency and the dangers it poses to democracy. The documents displayed in Activists Under Surveillance are mostly from the period when the FBI was led by J. Edgar Hoover, and hence in many ways they reflect his worldview, which was, among other things, intensely anti-communist. A diverse array of activists was targeted, in part because they were suspected of having communist sympathies. Libertarians, feminists, anti-racists, activists fighting for native rights and the Palestinian cause, and particularly those opposed to U.S. foreign policy were all suspected by the FBI. Each individual suspect has their own chapter, 1 which begins with the editors' preamble on the investigation, providing helpful background information and context of the person under examination. Most of the documents are written in sterile bureaucratese, and some are heavily redacted despite being declassified. This makes reading some of them a slog, but the effort is worth it since they provide a window into this agencies' activities during much of the Cold War. One position which in particular drew Hoover's ire, and triggered many FBI investigations, was opposition to the war in Vietnam. Notable examples included in Activists Under Surveillance are the investigations of legendary labour leader Cesar Chavez, writer and psychologist Abbie Hoffman, and historian Howard Zinn. In the case of Hoffman (and others discussed below), documents reveal that he was categorized by the FBI as 'potentially dangerous because of background, emotional instability [emphasis added], or activities in groups inimical to the U.S.' (p. 190). Here we have an example of how the FBI at times conflated political opposition with a psychological deficiency, and many readers might be reminded of how political dissent in the Soviet Union was also sometimes treated as a mental illness, although with much graver consequences. One of the ways that the FBI carried out investigations of activists was to attend their rallies, often on college campuses, and take detailed notes of their speeches. Activists Under Surveillance allows readers to see some of the results of these investigations, mainly the summaries of the agents' observations, allowing one to imagine with some amusement an undercover FBI agent present among a group of hippies, listening intensely for comments he considers to violate federal laws, or a threat to the U.S.'s security. One in particular stands out: Abbie Hoffman, who, during a speech at Marshall University on April 21 st , 1972, in front of 400 students, criticized 'the [Nixon] administration in Washington D.C. regarding the continuation of the war in Vietnam, and the renewed bombing of North Vietnam' (p. 202). Hoffman's case is also fascinating because he knew the FBI was watching him, and he reacted, in contemporary terms, by 'trolling' it. For example, he organized a séance to end the Vietnam war by levitating the Pentagon via, among other things, Tibetan chanting. He also
This article explains how secrecy influenced the communication and decision-making processes of the FBI's covert and illegal program to disrupt left-leaning Black political organizations between 1967-1971. Memos exchanged between the FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover and field offices reveal the explicit techniques for concealing their identities as the source of their anonymous communication. The Bureau's techniques point to the high degree of coordination among organization members required to maintain organizational secrecy; they also point to the ways in which secrecy enabled the organization to engage in reprehensible behavior.
Socialism and Democracy, 2018
Marx demonstrate a powerful mind at work. But I found myself quarrelling with the way he forces critical theory into the constraints of an "open Marxism" and into the strictures of negation. For one thing, it does not seem to me to be politically realistic nor desirable to dispense with the Enlightenment ideas of the modern state and law, nor for democratic institutions and constitutionalism. In the end, Grollios insists that: "The only purpose of a critical theorist is to make us aware of the antinomies inherent in our schizophrenic way of living in capitalism" (168). But in truth, if we accept this assertion, we in fact condemn critical theory to being a purely academic enterprise. Negation needs to be seen as a mode of consciousness, not its sole operation. We have to be able to posit concrete, rational alternatives to the defective forms of social life under capitalism lest we destroy the possibilities of real politics. It is precisely this lack that made thinkers like Adorno and Horkheimer a kind of dead end politicallythey saw no alternative to the density of reification of modernity. What is needed is, as Lukácsthe only one of the theorists Grollios treats who performed any kind of genuine revolutionary political activityproperly knew, was a speculative moment to round out the negative one. That knowledge of a just human society would be one premised on our cooperative interdependence on one another. To overcome our alienation from this central, radical thesis will require more than negation, it will necessitate a vision of what kind of social relations, ends and purposes are democratic and just. Negation simply must lead to something politically positive to fight forto deny this is to consign critical theory to eternal practical irrelevance.
The Algerian Historical Journal, 2023
In this article we sought to examine the interference of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in African Americans' activism for justice, equality and a racism-free society in the USA. We found out that the FBI interfered in this activism since the early 20 th century by surveilling their political activities, infiltrating agents to spy on their leaders, creating tension among them, using the mass media to distort their image, using justice to imprison them by finding excuses to imprison leaders and followers. The research is important for researchers interested in the subject of the NOI mainly and African American activism in general. Our choice of this topic to research was dictated by our observing that federal intelligence agencies were interfering massively and repeatedly in diverting black activism and this might have obstructed their efforts to attain their constitutional rights and live like their white fellow citizens.
2023
This article delves into the vicissitudes of democratic control of government intelligence activities in the United States between 1972 and 1980. The previous phase of the Cold War (1947-1971), characterized by the intense systemic polarization between the United States and the Soviet Union, coupled with the expansion of state capacity and internal social conflicts within the US, contributed to the establishment of complex national systems of intelligence organizations and activities in both countries. In the 1970s, the strategic stabilization of US-USSR relations (détente) depended, in part, on the technological advancements in intelligence gathering from communications, signals, and imagery via *
“Agitation” and “propaganda” are technical terms within Marxist revolutionary theory. Agitation and propaganda as defined by Georgi V. Plekhanov and supported by Vladimir I. Lenin are "value-free", which is to say devoid of morality. Communist propaganda was aimed towards influencing the attitude of the western and “non-aligned” populations, advancing the ideology of Marxism, the communist world-view, and the interests of the communist states. The mass line/party line of the communist states, led by the USSR and PRC, during this period has these important common motifs (among others): (a) the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China were the supporters and natural allies of anti-imperialists and the working classes throughout the world, (b) the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese Army were grass-roots organizations admired and backed by the oppressed Vietnamese peasantry, (c ) the pro-western governments of South Vietnam and Southeast Asia were unpopular authoritarian puppets of the United States, (d) the armed forces of the United States in South Vietnam represented an occupying power feared and resented by the South Vietnamese, who wanted reunification with Ho Chi Minh’s communist North. They were engaged in a war that was unwinnable. Soviet-run movements pretended to have little or no ties with the USSR, were often seen as noncommunist, but in fact were controlled by USSR. The organizations aimed at convincing well-meaning but naive Westerners to support Soviet overt or covert goals. These organizations undoubtedly also had members who genuinely believed in world peace and studiously avoided contact with communists and their sympathizers, but who nonetheless were used by the USSR/PRC propaganda machine to promote policies in sync with Marxist-Leninist goals. Despite the people in question thinking of themselves as standing for a benign socialist or ideological cause, such as the peace movement, and although they were de facto valued allies of the USSR/PRC; they were actually held in contempt and were being cynically used by the communists for political purposes. Official investigations during the Cold War turned up circumstantial evidence, but little or no absolute proof of KGB involvement. On the other hand, some CIA case officers, such as Kent Clizbe, analyze the counterintelligence data to conclude that KGB covert influence agents in American education and academia, Hollywood, and the media inserted anti-American sentiments.
The Historian, 1996
he Cold War reached a fevered pitch during the early 1950s as Americans reeled T from cataclysmic international events such as the recent consolidation of Communism in Eastern Europe, the Communist takeover of China, and the detonation of atomic weapons by the Soviet Union. Some feared that the United States government itself was in danger of Communist infiltration. It was within this charged atmosphere that Senator Joseph McCarthy and the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) led a sensationalistic effort to alert the nation to the seriousness of the Communist threat and to search out Communist subversives in government, industry, and schools. At the state and local levels, others conducted equally reckless anti-Communist campaigns that fueled the McCarthyist hysteria of the times.' More responsible leaders called for an end to these campaigns and believed that only the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) should handle anti-subversive investigations. No one at the time was aware that the FBI, under Director J. Edgar Hoover, had been conducting extensive and illegal surveillance of suspected Communists since the 1930s. Hoover's definition of a Communist was quite broad, and almost any left-wing activity could be interpreted as "subversive" in his eyes. While members of the American Communist Party were Hoover's principal targets, he considered many labor organizers, civil rights advocates, and members of liberal organizations such as the National Lawyers Guild to be subversive as well. The FBI had principal responsibility for the nation's internal security, but it could not legally release its information outside the executive branch of the federal government. Hoover, however, secretly gave information to McCarthy and HUAC, and thus the FBI played a pivotal role in the rise and spread of McCarthyism in Cold War
Studies in American Political Development
How powerful are national security bureaucrats? In the United States, they seem to be more than mere administrators, while remaining subordinate to elected politicians. However, despite a rich literature in American political development on bureaucratic autonomy across a variety of policy areas, national security remains undertheorized. Although the origins and evolution of the national security bureaucracy have received substantial scholarly attention, the individuals within this bureaucracy have not. In this article, I examine a case study of how one of these individuals bluntly ran up against the limits of his power. After the Second World War, J. Edgar Hoover's plans for a “World-Wide Intelligence Service” were swiftly shot down by the Truman administration, which adopted a sharp distinction between domestic and global intelligence instead. I pin this abject defeat on three interrelated factors: the resistance of President Truman, the array of bureaucratic competitors emergi...
By the 1960s the Civil Rights Movement had evolved towards Black Power and self-defense narratives. This evolution procreated the Black Panther Party, a political organization that sought to establish equality and freedom in impoverished neighborhoods neglected by the government. This program extended beyond the black community and began to form coalitions and to foster a shared narrative between other racial groups in America. Vietnam era communist fear was prevalent as a result of American propaganda. Red smear campaigns later developed to exploit this communist fear for political discrediting of dissenting political opinions that were closely monitored and stifled under the control of the Federal Bureau of Investigations, or the FBI. The FBI is a national security organization with law enforcement and intel responsibilities under the Justice Department. The potential coalition among the lumpenproletariat, society’s lowest caste, under this new social consciousness threatened the de facto American capitalist hierarchies and prompted a refocus of an FBI subsector, Cointelpro, that was specifically designed to, often illegally, interfere and subvert the ideals and goals of the Black Panther Party. This essay examines how the Federal Bureau of Investigations operated in relation to the Panther Party, claim that these operations were directly enforced in an attempt to undermine political free speech and in doing so demonstrate the historical impacts that each group had on the growth and evolution of one another through the late 20th century.
Radical History Review, 2011
The Bush administration's so-called war on terror needs to be situated within the context of earlier efforts to demonize dissent. Since the early 1970s the FBI has increasingly linked the threat of terrorism to lawful domestic social movements to undermine their legitimacy and blur meaningful distinctions between violent and peaceful political activity. In recent years, the FBI has become the leading control agency in what scholars and popular writers term the “surveillance society.” The FBI monitors public spaces and has deployed increasingly sophisticated technological surveillance. The bureau also has developed a new “preventative paradigm,” viewing well-nigh all street protest as dangerous. Recently declassified government records are beginning to document how the FBI, using its expanded powers, played a major role in threatening the rights of free speech and of assembly after 9/11.
Journal of Intelligence History, 2024
In the aftermath of September 11, 2001, scholars and commentators concerned about civil liberties looked back to the 1970s with an air of nostalgia. Back then, they argued, Congress exposed and constrained executive abuses of civil liberties, most notably through the Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (the “Church Committee”) and the 1978 Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA); whereas, since 9/11, Congress has largely accepted a variety of constitutionally dubious activities as part of the “War on Terror.” This article argues that these accounts get the history wrong. Drawing on the Church Committee’s hearings and reports, internal executive branch communications, and the legislative history of FISA, it makes three core claims. First, the Church Committee was more valuable as a source of historical documentation rather than real-time exposure. Second, executive officials took crucial steps towards intelligence reform before the Church Committee was established. Third, the two legislative fruits of the Church Committee – FISA and the creation of permanent intelligence committees in Congress – were forged in a cooperative, rather than adversarial interbranch environment. Thus, the post-Vietnam Congress is best described as a partner, rather than a combatant, in the process of intelligence reform.
Journal of American History, 2012
Samara Journal of Science, 2019
The paper is devoted to reaction of the U.S. Department of Justice to the October revolution of 1917 in Russia and the process which received the name The Red Scare in the historiography. The basic changes which happened in Russia, the ideas of radical social justice, the dictatorship of the proletariat and the world revolution during the last stages of the World War I led to an extremely negative perception of the Bolshevik party and its policy in the USA. The general unfriendly spirit was warmed up by various publications accusing V.I. Lenin and his colleagues of communications with Germany (well-known Sissons documents) as well as by various publications in the press. At the same time, the revolution in Russia became an ideological beacon for anarchists and socialists worldwide including America. A special activity was shown by the galleanists organization (followers of the revolutionary and the ideologist of anarchism Luigi Galleani). From April to June 1919 they organized a ser...
The Annals of Iowa, 2012
Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 2020
This paper compares political and social histories of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. It argues that both perspectives are equally essential in understanding the Bureau's complexity. By looking at historical sources surrounding the FBI's Watergate investigation, the paper compares insights emerging from traditional sources of political history such as presidential and Congressional libraries as well as Bureau archives with the social history that emerges from agents' oral accounts. In analyzing the sources that emerge from both a top-down and bottom-up view of the Bureau, it becomes clear that power is diffuse across the organization and resides not only in such obvious places as that of the director and senior leadership but also in unexpected places like that of a new agent. Juxtaposing the two types of histories shows that, at least sometimes, two very different depictions of the Bureau can emerge regarding a single high-profile case.
Loading Preview
Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.