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This paper provides an analysis of the heterogeneous counting systems found in Mande languages, highlighting unique and typologically rare features. It presents a conceptual framework for understanding these systems and compares eight distinct numeral systems across various Mande languages. The primary aim is to standardize the representation of data for ease of comparison and to analyze general trends and characteristics of Mande numeral systems.
Mandenkan, 2019
In the paper, eight Mande counting systems (Modern and Old Bamana, Boko, Dzuungoo, Mwan, Dan-Gwɛɛtaa, San-Maka, Soninke) are analyzed in detail, followed by the presentation of a summary table for 30 languages representing all the groups of the Mande family. In Mande languages, elements of different models are present: decimal, vigesimal, octogesimal; some elements of a quinary and quindecimal systems are also attested. Certain languages of the family possess subtractive numerals; the subtrahend may be as high as 25. In the old Bamana system, Jogo-Ton and Jogo-Ligbi, division is applied. In money counting, many Mande languages apply the principle of multiplying by five. It is suggested that the quinary and decimal models should be considered original for Mande languages, while the vigesimal model (as well as rare pentadecimal and octogesimal ones) as a result of recent evolution, quite probably under the influence of Senufo, Gur, and probably also Kru languages.
This study undertakes a comparative analysis of the numeral systems of Igala, Yoruba, English and German. An essential part of data collation for the study comprises compilation of comparative wordlists of Ígálà, Yoruba, German and English numeral systems in addition to the writer's personal observation and knowledge of the systems. The investigation reveals that the complexity of deriving especially non-basic numerals in the languages involves three predominant arithmetic processes of addition, subtraction (Yoruba in particular) and multiplication in addition to certain grammatical processes, especially vowel elision, clipping, compounding and so on. In addition, the summary of the quasi constraints or derivational patterns for the languages reveals that whereas German and English maintain very similar patterns because of their very close affinity as sisters from the same parent, it is not so with Ígálà and Yoruba even though both belong to the same language family. Incorporating insights from optimality theory, the paper argues that even though numeracy and the constraints that ensure well-formedness of numerals are somewhat universal, parametric variations abound. The actual patterning of the sequences of the derivational processes in individual languages may be very similar but definitely not the same, no matter how closely related the languages concerned may be. If not, they would cease to represent core grammars of different languages.
South Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies, 2016
2006
This paper defines and surveys numeral systems from languages across the world. We define the complexity of a numeral system in some detail and give examples of varying complexity from different languages. The examples are chosen to illustrate the bounds on complexity that actually occur in natural languages and to delineate tricky issues of analysis. Then we contrast the complexity in numeral systems of pidgin/creole languages versus their lexifiers and versus languages generally in the world.
2014. In Alor-Pantar languages. Language Science Press
This chapter presents an in-depth analysis of numeral forms and systems in the Alor-Pantar (AP) languages. The AP family reflects a typologically rare combination of mono-morphemic 'six' with quinary forms for numerals 'seven' to 'nine', a pattern which we reconstruct to go back to proto-AP. We focus on the structure of cardinal numerals, highlighting the diversity of the numeral systems involved. We reconstruct numeral forms to different levels of the AP family, and argue that AP numeral systems have been complicated at different stages by reorganisations of patterns of numeral formation and by borrowings. This has led to patchwork numeral systems in the modern languages, incorporating to different extents: (i) quaternary, quinary and decimal bases; (ii) additive, subtractive and multiplicative procedures, and; (iii) non-numeral lexemes such as 'single' and 'take away'. Complementing the historical reconstruction with an areal perspective, we compare the numerals in the AP family with those of the Austronesian languages in their immediate vicinity and show that contact-induced borrowing of forms and structures has affected numeral paradigms in both AP languages and their Austronesian neighbors.
STUDIES IN AFRICAN LANGUAGES AND CULTURES, 2020
In this study we offer a detailed synchronic and diachronic account of the hitherto un(der)-documented numeral systems of the four closely related (Eastern) Bantu language varieties: Ikoma, Nata, Ishenyi, and Ngoreme-together forming the Western Serengeti subgroup. We describe the essentially identical formation and organization of numerals in these language varieties while also noting the morphosyntactic behaviour of numeral expressions and their extended uses. Based on an extensive quantity of comparative data, we furthermore disentangle the historical background to the numerals and their systematization in Western Serengeti, connecting this specific linguistic domain with the wider genealogical profile of this subgroup.
Dilbilim Araştırmaları, 2022
Numerals participate in the expression of a wide range of operations, including mass, volume, degree, ordering, counting, and arithmetic calculations. This raises the questions of what they denote semantically and how they are derived morpho-syntactically. Although a number of theories have been advanced regarding their semantics, studies on the syntactic side are rather scarce. Further, the syntactic accounts of numerals date back to GB period, calling for a reinterpretation of their conclusions under Minimalist considerations. This study attempts to develop a syntactic account of numerals under Minimalist desiderata. It is proposed that numerals are number-denoting type n objects, derived from two primitives: saturated DIGITs of type n, and unsaturated BASEs of type <n,n>, instrumental in the derivation of simplex and complex numerals, respectively. This view is demonstrated to account for a wide range of distributional and interpretive possibilities of numerals as well as provide principled reasons for why some plausible forms are consistently unattested across languages.
2022
This paper provides a general typological description of numeral systems of East Caucasian systems and discusses several questions related to them. The main goal of the paper is to create a detailed overview of numeral systems of the East Caucasian family, make conclusions about their typological features, and comment on divergence of numeral systems within the family. The paper focuses on several aspects of numeral morphology and inner structure of numeral systems. Those are: derivational patterns of different subsets of numerals, the variation of these patterns across languages and dialects, existence and interrelationship of decimal and vigesimal systems in East Caucasian languages. The data is provided by a variety of written sources: grammars, dictionaries, articles on the researched languages, as well elicited material.
The number system of Marori shows distributed marking across different morphological and syntactic sites. The marking regulates the interaction of nominal number (plurality of entities) and verbal number (plurality of events). Nominal number is expressed via marking of free pronouns and derived nouns and the associated verbal indexing. Nominal number shows a three-way distinction and follows the Animacy Hierarchy, with a singular-dual-plural distinction relevant only for first and second bound pronominals (i.e. in the top segments of the hierarchy). Elsewhere, nominal number marking typically shows a two-way underspecified distinction (plural vs. nonplural, or singular vs. nonsingular). Verbal number is, in contrast, expressed by suppletive verbal root alternations, not following the animacy hierarchy, and typically showing a two-way weak singular vs. nonsingular distinction. An unusual characteristic of the Marori number system is its distributed underspecified exponence in marking, allowing a specific category in nominal/verbal number to be constructed without a dedicated number marker for that category. Thus, dual (nominal number) can be expressed not by dual morphology, but by a combination of nonsingular and nonplural exponents; e.g. as seen in the expression of the second person dual (future) n-...-∅. Duactional (verbal) number is likewise expressed in the complex predicate construction by combining a nonplural (auxiliary/light) verb and a nonsingular nominal predicate. The whole system of number underspecification, verbal indexing and verbal number in Marori renders number in this language functionally semantic and pragmatic in nature, quite different from syntactic number in familiar languages like English. In Marori’s three-way number system, the meaning of plural is not quite the same as in a two-way number system like English: ‘three or more’ (Marori) vs. ‘two or more’ (English). However, while Marori is radically different from English in its number system, it exhibits similarity in terms of the distribution of plural meanings under negation and other contexts (Farkas & de Swart, 2010); inclusive and exclusive plural readings are found in the same distributional contexts as in English and other European languages with a two-way number system.
2012
Numerals vary extensively across the world’s languages, ranging from no precise numeral terms to practically infinite limits. Particularly of interest is the category of “small” or low-limit numeral systems; these are often associated with hunter-gatherer groups, but this connection has not yet been demonstrated by a systematic study. Here we present the results of a wide-scale survey of hunter-gatherer numerals. We compare these to agriculturalist languages in the same regions, and consider them against the broader typological backdrop of contemporary numeral systems in the world’s languages. We find that correlations with subsistence pattern are relatively weak, but that numeral trends are clearly areal.
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