《凡物流形》考釋三則

東吳中文研究集刊 第11期, 2004

隨著地下文物的出土，尤其是簡帛佚籍的發現，使得思想史的研究得以展開新頁。如過去學者所討論的「五行」，對於《荀子．非十二子》中「案往舊造說，謂之五行」的批評，受於資料限制，往往不得其解。等到馬王堆帛書與郭店楚簡〈五行〉篇出土後，這問題才得到大致的解決，並抽繹出儒學中，子思、孟子一系的發展。郭店楚簡另有一篇〈太一生水〉，其蘊含的宇宙生成、名實關係、天地形狀與古老的自然、數術觀念，俱與道家學說有相通之處。本文便取先秦至前漢的道家典籍加以比較，尤其是《老子》一書，最後並歸結其思考模式的特色，以期能對當時道家思想的樣貌有更深一層認識。

2014

人文中國學報, 2021

2016

Of regular script calligraphy styles from the Tang Dynasty, the style of Yan Zhen-qing (709-785) became one of the most highly regarded styles by later scholars. For centuries, " Yan style " was seen as a climax of Tang Dynasty regular script, and his work has had a wide and profound effect on Chinese calligraphy ever since. However, Tang Dynasty calligraphy critics did not place much value on Yan style, and they did not think of Yan Zhen-qing as a great calligrapher. This phenomenon is difficult to understand. The main aim of this paper is to further investigate the above-mentioned observation of Yan's lack of popularity in the Tang dynasty. The conclusions are as follows: 1. There are only ten extant genuine works of Yan Zhen-qing's regular script calligraphy, including Wang-lin Mu Zhi "Wang Lin's Epitaph", Duo-bao-ta Bei "Prabhutaratna Pagoda Stele",Yan Qin-li Bei " Stele for Yan Qin-li" and others. All other works are either co...

2022

從規範佛教而言，佛教戒律中不贊同修道者歌舞倡伎以影響道心，但是佛教 傳至明清時期卻扭轉了這種規範性的認知，確實看見了大傳統與小傳統的不同。 不論從唐代的《洛陽伽藍記》描述佛教寺院中有戲臺的影子，到了明清版畫中也 能看到寺院搭起戲臺表演俗劇。除了戲臺外，還出現佛道融合的儀軌例如「破地 獄」，將表演與儀式結合，表現出的文化現象。在佛教戒律中禁止歌舞倡伎，但 是在寺院外卻搭起戲臺歌唱世俗情愛，這種佛教與民間衝擊的弔詭現象，現在佛 教研究的學術界甚少討論，因此希望藉由本文作為一個開端，使未來更多人關注 佛教音樂的研究。 本文欲透過文本分析、圖片考證，整理中國佛寺戲臺以及明清佛教戲劇與儀 式的資料，試圖歸納過去佛寺戲臺搬演及紀錄，還有現存佛寺戲臺的遺址。並且 列出明清時期佛教相關戲曲，乃至於佛教故事表演如何與儀式結合進行探討。希 望透過這兩個層面，概述明清佛教寺院戲劇與儀式的形態。

法鼓佛學學報, 2008

This article takes various expressions using the Chinese term "speak" (shuo) as the basis for its investigation of Nāgārjuna's linguistic strategy. These include speak, unspeakable, unspoken, and spoken by prajñapti in the Chinese version of the Mūlamadhyamakākarikā. I first point out the two background causes that make the Buddha withdraw from preaching and remain in silence: the profundity of the Dharma and the limits of people's capacities. In response, the Mūlamadhyamakākarikā seems to reveal a two-sided strategy, i.e., confirmation and negation. On the one hand, it emphasizes the unspeakable to get rid of people's attachment, until at last all prapañcas have ceased, and one arrives at the unspoken. On the other hand, Mūlamadhyamakākarikā positively approves of the conventional truth and prajñapti to express that conventional linguistic cognition is necessary. The Mūlamadhyamakākarikā's theory of pratītya-samutpāda and śūnyatā, therefore, reveal double the aspects of negation and confirmation in Buddhist Philosophy and lead people to the way of nirvāṇa.

2021

The catalogue of Buddhist texts in China started with the Zongli zhongjing mulu 綜 理眾經目錄 by Daoan 道安 (314-385). Following the appearance of the Chu sanzang jiji 出 三藏記集 in the early six century and other catalogues in the Sui and early Tang dynasties, in Kaiyuan 18 of the Tang (730) the Kaiyuan sijiao lu 開元釋教録 of twenty fascicles was compiled by Zhisheng 智昇 (d.u.) at Xichongfu si 西崇福寺, and has since become the standard of later catalogues of Buddhist texts. During the reigns of Xuanzong (r. 712-756), Suzong (r. 756-762), Daizong (r. 762-779), and Dezong (r. 779-805) of the mid-Tang, Buddhist texts translated by Amoghavajra (705-774) and others were newly added to the Buddhist canon. In Zhenyuan 11 (755), Yuanzhao 圓照 (718?-799?) at Ximing si 西明寺 completed the Zhenyuan xu Kaiyuan sijiao lu 貞元續開元釋教録 of three fascicles, and then in Zhenyuan 16 (800) he submitted (to the court) the Zhenyuan xinding sijiao mulu 貞元新 定釋教目録 of thirty fascicles. Afterwards, from Dazhong 9 (855) to Xiantong 1 (860), based on the "Ruzang lu 入藏錄" (Register of the texts actually taken in the canon) of the Zhenyuan lu, Vanaya master Congfan 從梵 (d. u.) in Zhaojun 趙郡 compiled the Yiqiejing yuan pinci lu 一切経源品次録 of thirty fascicles. People have come to know in recent years that there is the twentieth fascicle of the Xinzuan Yiqiejing yuan pinci lu 新纘一切經源品次録 of the first Korean canon edition in the National Museum of Korea, and that it is the only extant text of the Pinci lu. This paper first re-examines early studies of the jinglu 經錄 (the catalogue of Buddhist texts), a genre to which the Yiqiejing yuan pinci lu belongs. Then it turns attention to the twentieth fascicle of the Xinzuan Yiqiejing yuan pinci lu of the first Korean canon edition and, through the analysis of its contents, reveals the relationship of the Pinci lu with the Khitan canon and its influence on the Korea canon via the Korean canon.

2017

本文在方法論上嚴謹依循「澄清概念」、「釐清判準」，以及「建構系統」三條原則，透過對先秦儒家原典的全面分析，探討「聖」、「聖人」及「聖人之道」等重要概念的豐富內涵，闡明「君子之道」與「聖人之道」之間適當的義理關係，並藉由先秦儒家「聖人觀」的基本理解進一步釐清其人性論與其「道統意識」的確切指涉，從而對先秦儒家之「道」展開系統性的界說。為了達成這些研究目的，本文著手回應下述四項核心問題：一，先秦儒家所謂的「聖」及「聖人」到底實指什麼？換言之，「聖人」的標準何在？二，如何界定「君子」（「君子之道」）與「聖人」（「聖人之道」）之間的適當關係？三，能否藉由先秦儒家「聖人觀」的分析反思其共通的「道統意識」？四，先秦儒者所主張的「聖人觀」與其人性論能否取得意義上的融貫？經由本文對《論語》、《孟子》以及《中庸》之「聖人觀」的解析，以及對先秦儒家「道統意識」的重新界定及再詮釋，我們得出以下三點結論。 其一，有關儒家「聖人」的定位問題，「聖人」是在某君子離世以後作為後世君子所敬仰和追念的道德典範而獲得的尊稱；它既是對君子一生道德事蹟的肯認與嘉定，也是作為後世君子所學習與效法的垂世典範。其次，「聖人之道」與「君子之道」不是彼此對立，各自為政的兩個概念，而實為一對相互證成、交相輝映的概念：「君子之道」以達成「聖人之道」為其終極目的，「聖人之道」必須藉由「君子之道」的具體開展而呈現其意義。具體來說，「聖人之道」透過聖人教化的形式構成一連接異代儒者的「意義場域」，而在此特殊的意義場域中，君子或聖人之徒將以歷代聖人的道德事功及人格典範為其自身行道的參照系。此「意義場域」之所以可能，關鍵在於先秦儒家一貫主張的「聖凡同心」之要義——每個人都有可能透過自身的立志和實踐而與「聖人之道」相契合，而「聖人之道」亦有義務光照每個人的成聖之路 。如此一來，「聖人之道」與「君子之道」即為同一個「道」的兩種面向，而這兩種面向經常是相互交涉的——沒有「君子之道」對「聖人之道」的期許與追求，「聖人之道」將淪為空洞懸浮的理念；沒有「聖人之道」的範導作用，「君子之道」將難以完成其自身的拓展。 其二，本文承接前面對先秦儒家「聖人觀」所展開的分析，試圖藉由一個概念的提出凸顯先秦儒家「聖人觀」的共同意識與關懷，並且將散漫於各先秦儒家經典的「聖賢論述」統合在一嚴謹的理論架構之中。這個概念即為「道統意識」。先秦儒者的「道統意識」...

2017

Generally speaking, people believe that the living conditions of the new area will be better, then they make decision to migrate to another place to live. In the theory of migration, it can be divided into individual factors and structural factors. No matter which factor, migration will have an effect on the development of immigrant society. In 1949, there were over 1.2 millions of the people who migrated from mainland China to Taiwan. Undoubtedly, it was caused by the structural and political factors that pushed the "great migration". Because the immigrants moving into Taiwan accounted for a considerable proportion of the population, they formatted an ethnic group so-called "mainlanders". This paper attempts to use migration as an approach to review and explore the development of society in Taiwan in the second half of the 20th century. The time frame is between the year of 1949 when the Nationalist government immigrated to Taiwan and the year of 1996 when direct presidential election took place in Taiwan.