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2020
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21832-4…
27 pages
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This volume seeks to explore Russia’s perceptions of the changing international system in the twenty-first century and evaluate the determinants of Russian motives, roles and strategies towards a number of contemporary regional and global issues. The chapters of the volume discuss various aspects of Russian foreign policy with regard to key actors like the U.S., EU and China; international organizations such as the BRICS, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Eurasian Economic Union and Collective Security Treaty Organization; and a number of regional conflicts including Ukraine and Syria. The contributors seek to understand how the discourses of “anti-Westernism” and “post-Westernism” are employed in the redefinition of Russia’s relations with the other actors of the international system and how Russia perceives the concept of “regional hegemony,” particularly in the former Soviet space and the Middle East.
Palgrave Macmillan, 2019
This volume seeks to explore Russia’s perceptions of the changing international system in the twenty-first century and evaluate the determinants of Russian motives, roles and strategies towards a number of contemporary regional and global issues. The chapters of the volume discuss various aspects of Russian foreign policy with regard to key actors like the U.S., EU and China; international organizations such as the BRICS, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Eurasian Economic Union and Collective Security Treaty Organization; and a number of regional conflicts including Ukraine and Syria. The contributors seek to understand how the discourses of “anti-Westernism” and “post-Westernism” are employed in the redefinition of Russia’s relations with the other actors of the international system and how Russia perceives the concept of “regional hegemony,” particularly in the former Soviet space and the Middle East.
Pakistan Horizon, 2022
Russia has re-emerged as an important global actor after the demise of the Soviet Union with a transformed foreign policy under the leadership of Vladimir Putin who does not believe in restricting Russia to a sphere of privileged interests in its immediate periphery and is refusing to accept the post-Cold War security order in Europe. Russian foreign policy has been building up to its present expansive stage for over two decades as a continuity of its history, geopolitical position and trends of the Soviet era which have withstood the test of time. The US and the West's refusal to accept Russia as a competitor in global affairs has turned into a systematic challenge to the primacy that the US and EU have enjoyed since the end of the Cold War. Russia, despite the prevalent economic challenges will continue to position itself as an independent centre of power on the world stage towards the development of a multipolar world, possibly even in the post-Putin era. This paper focuses on Russian history, foreign policy, leadership and its perceived uneasy relations with the West in the above-mentioned perspective and was written before the Ukraine war.
2016
As Russia reasserts itself in an international system still governed by a “Western ” conception of order drawn from liberal models of capitalism and democracy, how are the European Union and the United States responding to this re-emerging power? This is the question that we attempt to tackle in the conclusion to this volume; its answer has important implications for the viability of the current international economic and political order.2 The fall of the Soviet Union, followed by the political and economic liberalization of Russia, prompted many observers to believe that Russia would gradually incorporate itself into Western economic and political systems. Unfortunately, the promise of a diplomatic 1 The authors would like to thank Sarah Garding and Theocharis Grigoriadis for their helpful comments. 2 More generally, how the US responds to rising powers such as India, China, and Brazil poses a central challenge for analysts and policymakers.
2012
Abstract Russia has historically strived to bridge principles of multilateral decision making with those of multipolar balance of power. Not infrequently, Russia's efforts to maximize power have been a response to failed attempts of entering Western-centered international arrangements, such as NATO and the European Union. Independently of those efforts, Russia also has sought to preserve the capabilities of a regional great power essential for securing its border and meeting other security challenges.
Responding to a Resurgent Russia: Russian Policy and Responses from the European Union and the United States, 2011
As Russia reasserts itself in an international system still governed by a “Western” conception of order drawn from liberal models of capitalism and democracy, how are the European Union and the United States responding to this re-emerging power? This is the question that we attempt to tackle in the conclusion to this volume; its answer has important implications for the viability of the current international economic and political order.
In the face of Islamist terrorism, Russia undertook a military operation in Syria to protect its interests as a Muslim country and a multifaith state. Its achievements have embarrassed NATO, while reinforcing Russia’s position as a Eurasian power to be reckoned with. Since the Ukrainian crisis unfolded, the theme of the Cold War has been at the forefront in analyses of the situation in Russia. We shall return to this “Russian misunderstanding,” which prevents us from understanding what is really happening in this huge country. We will see how the changes that have been occurring inside Russian Islam are altering the Russians’ vision of themselves and of their place in a globalized world. We will analyze the relationship between a domestic patriotism and an outward-facing “conservative” messianism. It is only by going back through Russia’s long history that we will be able to appreciate the depth of the abyss into which globalization has thrown this country. It used to be an empire and it used to be socialist; it is now a nation-state, and it is liberal.
International Politics, 2018
Russia's role in world politics has become the object of a spirited debate among policymakers, think-tank analysts, and academics. Much of this debate focuses on one central question: What are the main drivers, or causes, of Moscow's increasingly proactive and assertive foreign policy? The purpose of this special issue is to address this question by focusing on the interplay of power, ideas, and domestic influences. Our introductory article sets the scene for this analytical endeavor. More specifically, the article has three aims: (1) to review the existing explanations of Moscow's assertiveness; (2) to discuss the challenges, opportunities, and benefits of employing eclectic approaches in the study of Russian foreign policy; and (3) to outline the contributions of the articles that follow.
New Perspectives, 2016
The idea of ‘Global IR’ generated a growing interest in ‘national schools’ of IR and their contribution to understanding the diversity of international relations. As a part of this discussion, the current study is set to explore what has been presented as Russian IR theory and its utility for understanding Russian foreign policy and international relations. Our contention is that there is still not a Russian ‘national school’ of IR with a distinct set of concepts and theories, research methods, and standards for assessing its legitimate contributions to global knowledge. Strongly influenced by the theoretical developments in the West, Russian IR has produced a number of conceptual innovations for the study of IR, but its highly ideological and relativist character limits its global appeal. The dominant Russian IR perspectives resonate with the world imagery and foreign policy agenda of the Kremlin administration not because they offer a novel and productive way of studying Russian f...
2013
On April 12, 2012, in his last address to the State Duma as Russia’s prime minister, Vladimir Putin declared, “The post–Soviet period is over.” It is in a similar vein that we wrote this book as a study of Russian foreign policy, not Russia’s post-Soviet foreign policy. While it is undeniable that the legacy bequeathed by the USSR continues to have a powerful influence on contemporary Russia, Russian foreign policy today is not a continuation of Soviet policy. For one, the main problems that faced Soviet leaders—especially the ideological rivalry with the West and China—are no longer the ones that concern the Russian foreign policy establishment. Secondly, Moscow must deal with its former imperial possessions and Soviet siblings as independent states with their own foreign policy interests and strategies (which are often at odds with those of the Kremlin). Thirdly, and by no means finally, the contemporary international political, economic, and security environment is drastically different from that of the Soviet era—so much so, in fact, that even if the Soviet Union still existed, a contemporary Soviet foreign policy would scarcely resemble its predecessor in any way.
estudos internacionais, 2024
The Russian launching of the Special Military Operation (SMO) in Ukraine in February 2022 brought Russia back to the agenda of international politics. Due to the unprecedented nature of what was instantly called a "full scale invasion" or a "war of aggression" by NATO allies, the irrelevance conferred to Russia in the last decades gave place to a prominent role in world affairs. Like it or not, it seems that Russia's continental size, abundant wealth in natural resources, military prowess and long history as a diplomatic broker are once again making the headlines of mainstream media and filling the pages of specialized journals worldwide. This is the context of this special issue of Estudos Internacionais. After the end of the USSR, President Boris Yeltsin and his minister of foreign affairs, Andrei Kozyrev, strove to assure the international society that Russia had a western lineage. All in all, Russia adopted human rights discourse, defended the advantages of multilateralism, and reassured members of the "global community" that free markets were needed to guarantee political freedom. The leaders even affirmed that the communist period was a gap in the Soviet countries' history of learning with the West. Nonetheless, in spite of these efforts, Russia's conciliatory discourse was not recognized by the West. The Western State's lack of political will to solve Russia's economic problems and continuing worries about the country's military revival ensured that the self-image Russia was trying to sell about herself was not convincing. The consequent lack of support for Russia's leaders resulted in social animosity against the West. Neocommunists and ultranationalists, both political groups with clear
Recent prominent events involving Russia, such as the Russian-Georgian war, the launch of the Eurasian Economic Union and the Ukrainian crisis clearly illustrate that Russia is repositioning itself in the international arena by forcefully demonstrating that the post-Soviet space is and will continue to be a priority focus of its foreign policy. The current more assertive stance of Russia has significant global implications and invites more research effort. What theoretical approach, if any, is most helpful for understanding Russia’s current assertiveness and international relations primarily involving Russia? In this regard, the three books under review here provide a valuable resource. Though dealing with different topics, they deliver an important overarching message about how to understand the interstate relations in the region: geopolitics emerges as a powerful explanatory paradigm which helps to better understand the intricacies of the Eurasian international politics. In addition to reviewing the books, this review attempts to capture the common themes, if any, emerging from them and from other literature in the field that could contribute to the overall shaping of the field of post-Soviet Russian foreign policy studies. The review provides an account of what a geopolitical analytical framework is and why it is useful in explaining Russia’s foreign policy. It is argued that if one is to understand international relations primarily involving Russia, one must take geopolitical factors seriously.
2018
The foreign policy of Russia in the near abroad is the continuation of its domestic policy, which includes the consolidation of the population around a leader by means of creating an image of an enemy, especially at times when the economic situation in the country is deteriorating. When interpreting the inner processes in the country, political scientists usually apply the decomposition of the totalitarian Soviet regime as a framework. This paper suggests a broader framework through an analysis of historical structures anchored in Russian civilization. The key to understanding Russia's foreign policy, I argue, is rooted in the imperial syndrome associated with the country’s history, whether one considers the tsarist, Soviet, or post-Soviet periods. At present, Russia’s desire to restore its status as a world power, as in the past, requires it to develop a foreign policy secured by control of its nearest neighbors. For centuries, it purchased their loyalty and fealty with natural...
This chapter depicts recent changes in Russia—from a somewhat dysfunctional state in the first decade after the end of the Soviet Union to a more stable and centralized government with a desire and the capabilities to reclaim its status as a great power in world politics. Grounded in historical context and geopolitical realties, current Russian foreign policy can be characterized in Realist terms with the state asserting its interests vis-à-vis other great powers. Mariya Omelicheva also argues, however, that a constructivist focus on Russia's struggle with its self-identity is important for explaining contemporary Russian foreign policy. Inside Russia, this struggle is largely concentrated in a centralized state apparatus, although elite debates over Russia's role in the world are influenced by the military, interest groups and to some extent the Russian public. This chapter concludes with an analysis of these forces in the Russian-Georgian conflict. Despite its unique histo...
Politeja No. 5(62), 2019, pp. 161-174, 2019
Russia has became a revisionist power. Challenging the West seems to be a strategy aimed at improving Russia’s international standing, however. This strategy is undoubtedly ambiguous as Russia challenges the West, particularity the United States, and looks for a rapprochement at the same time. The Russian Federation abandoned the West in 2014 as a result of a annexation of the Crimean Peninsula what was a breaking of international low, and engagement into the war in the East Ukraine. Nevertheless 2014 was not a milestone, but 2008 when Russia had decided for the first time to use its military force against Georgia and indirectly against a growing Western military and political presence in this post-Soviet republic. This game changer was rather not a surprise, because several signals of a desire to challenge the Western-led word order had appeared in the past at least twice in president Putin’s speeches in 2007 in Munich Security Conference and in 2014 during Valdai Club session in Sochi. This article seeks to provide a take in a discussion about the way Russia has been trying to reshape the post-Cold War order. This paper probes the notion that Russia became a revisionist state trying to shape a post-Western world order. Besides there are a few questions to be answered, first of all whether anti-Westernism is in fact a goal or rather an instrument in regaining more effective impact on the international politics and how it is able to influence the post-Cold War order despite its reduced political and economic potential?
Politeja, 2019
This article focuses on Russia's attempts to revise a West-led liberal world order. However, challenging the West seems to be a strategy aimed at improving Russia's international standing. This strategy is undoubtedly ambiguous as Russia looks for a rapprochement, particularly with the United States at the same time. The Russian Federation abandoned the West in 2014 as a result of the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula what constituted breaking international law, and engagement in the war in East Ukraine. Nevertheless, the milestone was not 2014, but 2008 when Russia had decided for the first time to use its military force against Georgia and indirectly against the growing Western military and political presence in this post-Soviet republic. This game changer was hardly a surprise, because several signals of a desire to challenge the West-led world order had appeared in the past at least twice in President Putin's speeches in 2007 at the Munich Security Conference and in 2014 during the Valdai Club session in Sochi. This article seeks to provide a perspective in the discussion about the way Russia has been trying to reshape the post-Cold War order. It probes the notion that Russia has become a revisionist state trying to shape a post-Western world order. Besides, there are a few questions to be answered, first of all whether anti-Westernism is in fact its goal or rather an instrument in regaining more effective impact on international politics and how it may influence the post-Cold War order despite its reduced political and economic potential.
South African Journal of International Affai, 2015
Washington Quarterly, 2007
Christophe Barbier, 2017
Abstract My research will focus on Russia’s relations versus the Western world from the past to the present day. Russia's vision and perception of the West since the end of the Cold War have changed the world substantially, and as a result, the idealism for the West and Russia to be strong allies have rather distanced themselves both diplomatically and politically on the international stage. For viewers to understand the implication of this research analysis, I will examine Russia’s brutal past, the Russian Revolution of 1917, the post-WWII Soviet era, the unending Cold War’s with renewing tensions today and the fall of Communism which precipitated the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989. These historical events are thematically linked as early as the Battle of Kulikovo in 1380 in which Russians defeated the Mongols by creating a surprising attack hidden from view. This ideological mechanism of Maskirovka in Russian (Маскировка), meaning ‘masking’ is a deceptive psychological apparatus used in Russian’s technical warfare during previous wars to deceive its enemies from within in a mastery art of wars. This psychological framework of deception is still present today in a series of recent international events about the attempt at reacquiring the former Soviet Socialist Republic of Georgia as a sovereign state within the former Soviet Union Republics now known today as Russia. The invasion of Crimea, followed by the annexation of Ukraine in 2014 and the military intervention in Syria in 2015 not only reinserted Russia as a superpower, but also demonstrated these geopolitical moves were carried out to counter-attack NATO aggressive policy of containment toward the Baltic States and along the Russian national borders. Russia also views the West with the propagation of pro-liberalism, the promotion of democracy, human rights, international law, and the global war on Islamic terrorism carrying some significant caveats. The West places Russia on a pedestal of being an antagonist player, nonconformist and rebellious in contradiction with the West’s foreign policy which dictates liberal values and liberties. All of these historical events corroborate with consistency and conformity with the current cold war tensions and frustrations between Russia and the West in a battle of disinformation, cyber warfare attacks and impartial truths. This Russian doctrine also magnifies why Russia does not correlate to the West in a same diplomatic and political manner as the West does. As a result, it creates more geopolitical differences and political divisions. In this Master’s research paper, I will analyze the underlying causes of diplomatic tensions such as the historical, ideological, geopolitical, and political nuances that Russia’s past battles, wars, attacks, and foreign invaders from the West hemisphere have led Russia to be both fearful and defensive toward the Western world. Russia’s tumultuous and dramatic past has cast an overshadowing net over unconstructive ties with the West and deteriorating relations that continue to exacerbate any diplomatic relations from leading to successful outcomes. That has prevented both hemispheres from reaching encouraging and promising mutual footings in world affairs. Is there a way to mollify the renewed tensions between the West and Russia? Yes, and I will demonstrate that both the West and Russia can mend their differences and reset their partnerships. However, the latter is also true that increasing strains during the investigation will bring forth to the readers tangible evidence that Russia and the West will continue for years to come to be suspicious and skeptical of one and another. East-West’s problematic political discourses compounded by distrustful and complicated bilateral relations within the crossfire NATO and the European Union could potentially destabilize peace and security and as a result, reshape the world itself between the East and the West.
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