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The chapter investigates the phenomenon of multiply prefixed verbs in colloquial Russian, analyzing their semantic, aspectual, and syntactic characteristics in comparison with similar verbs in Polish and Ukrainian. Through examining literary texts, dialect data, and productivity tests for prefixes, it aims to determine the current state of multiple prefixation in Russian and its similarities with Polish and Ukrainian. The study highlights the systematic differences and evolutionary aspects of these verb forms, proposing a framework for understanding their productivity and stability in the context of linguistic changes.
from their corresponding Russian prefix. 2 These prefixes are: od-/ot-, where Polish uses the voiced variant of the consonant; roz-/raz-, where, in the majority of cases, Russian uses raz-instead of roz-, although roz-is not unheard of; 3 przy-/pri-, where in Polish, the original r palatalizes to rz before front vowels; prze-/pere-, where not only does r palatalize to rz before front vowels as in przy-, but we can also observe East Slavic polnoglasie in pere-, while noting metathesis of the Common Slavic *tert-group in prze-; and z-/s-, where, as with od-, Polish utilizes the voiced variant of the consonant as the basic form. 4
Journal of Slavic Linguistics, 2013
ELOPE: English Language Overseas Perspectives and Enquiries, 2005
e paper attempts to, by means of contrastive analysis, prove that particles belonging to phrasal verbs in English are in their linguistic essence equivalent to Serbian perfective verbal prefixes. is hypothesis has been backed up by a brief study based on 40 translation equivalents, which has shown that phrasal verb particles in English and perfective prefixes in Serbian are both markers of telic aktionsart on the lexical level of the verb. Also, the particles and the prefixes alike affect the 'aspectual use' of verbs in their respective languages: while the particles in English do not block their use with the progressive, the prefixes in Serbian block their use with imperfective aspect. Both semantically and grammatically, the appropriate solution for translating the English progressive of phrasal verbs into Serbian is modal aorist of Serbian perfective verbs. On the lexical and grammatical level alike, Serbian and English seem to have a convergent relationship, hence there exists a contrast between Serbian and English; the analyzed language elements are also similar with respect to distribution and equivalent with respect to meaning.
2010
This paper aims to analyze the interaction between prefixes, verbs, and abstract argument structure constructions, using as a testing ground the locative alternation. It has been assumed that in order to participate in the locative alternation, a verb must specify a manner of motion from which a change of state can be obtained (see Pinker 1989). However, this generalization does not take into account the argument structure effects involved in verbal prefixation in Slavic where some change-of-location verbs can appear in the change-of-state variant, when headed by a resultative prefix. In Olbishevska's (2005) generative-derivational analysis of the locative alternation in Russian, it is claimed that resultative prefixes are derivational morphemes subcategorizing for a location argument. While I agree that it is the resultative prefix that makes the alternation possible, I propose that it is not the case that a new verb with a different argument structure is derived by means of prefixation, but rather that it is the verb that integrates into the prefixed change-of-state variant. I analyze the change-of-state variant in the spirit of Goldberg's (1995, 2002) Construction Grammar and Langacker's (1987, 1991, 2008) Cognitive Grammar approach and show that resultative prefixes are not abstract syntactic features, but rather that each prefixed change-of-state construction is based on a specific configuration between the locatum and the location. I demonstrate that the interaction between resultative prefixes, alternating verbs, and the more abstract change-of-state variant is driven by semantic coherence.
Proceedings of ConSOLE XXX, 2022
The paper examines perfective verbs with the delimitative prefix po-(podel) combining with durative adverbials (DurAds) in Slavic, primarily based on examples from Serbian. Since DurAds are standardly assumed to diagnose atelicity, such examples constitute the main argument for separating Slavic perfectivity from telicity (e.g. Borik 2006), and pose the major obstacle for the view that perfectives in Slavic are telic (e.g. Łazorczyk 2010). I propose that DurAds are generated in the QP (a telicity projection), while podel combines with the QP, specifiying a telic predicate for singularity. Consequently, all prefixed perfective verbs in Slavic are necessarily telic.
Oslo Studies in Language, 2010
In this paper we investigate the semantic and syntactic properties of the prefix ZA-in Russian and Polish against the background of the Locative Alternation. We provide lists of alternating verbs for Russian and Polish and examine their occurrences with the prefix ZA-...
Journal of Slavic linguistics, 2022
Tense, mood and aspect: theoretical and …, 2007
2010
The empirical base of this paper is the system of verb prefixes in Slavic languages, with a focus on Serbo-Croatian (SC). The paper especially targets the asymmetries between the so-called external and internal (or superlexical and lexical) prefixes, but it eventually proposes a general analysis for the verbal prefixation in SC.
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