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The central ambition of this dissertation will be to demonstrate that Schmitt continues to offer valuable insights on a range of topics which are of particular importance for contemporary critical theorists. Because of length constraints, I will focus on what I regard as the areas of Schmitt’s writing which might prove most fertile for contemporary critical theorists: on the nature of democracy and politics, liberalism’s relationship with reason and technology, and dictatorship, the rule of law, and the state of emergency. In order to achieve this aim, this paper will put Schmitt into a dialogue with several other authors, from Jacques Derrida and Walter Benjamin to Giorgio Agamben, Slavoj Žižek, Theodor Adorno, Max Horkheimer and many other thinkers in this rea, to revise some aspects of Schmitt’s theory in a more progressive, emancipatory direction
Carl Schmitt is one of the most dedicated opponents of liberal universalism, with its notion of pluralist, rational and non-exclusivist consensus politics as a progressive democratic project and its understanding of the political arena – " purified " , being free from struggles and conflict – as the progressive move of democratic logic. In this paper I will first try to show Schmitt's pessimistic and negative stance based on ontological and theological grounds on the deliberative model of politics with its claim about the possibility of making particular wills reach the conception of common public interest or the common good through discussion and dialogue. Secondly, I'll try to show that, within Schmitt's project, the concept of the sovereign dictatorship exists as the necessary counterpoint to the concept of the political. Schmitt refuses to understand political life as a medium of dialogue leading to a rational consensus. In this context, the sovereign in Schmitt's theory should be precisely understood as a force constructed to reproduce homogeneity in a hegemonic manner. Hegemonia, in a Gramscian sense, is not a bare oppressive force. Rather, it refers to a ruling force which is able to inject its own ideology and world view into the public through persuasion. In this framework, leftist thinkers like mouffe, who recommended that we should think " with Schmitt against Schmitt " in order to develop a new democratic political understanding, draw attention to Schmitt's thesis that every political identity functions as " we-they " antinomy, yet they miss the fact that it is impossible to deduce a conception of a truly democratic public sphere from Schmitt's theory. As it will be emphasized in this paper, democracy in the Schmittian sense can be the perfect form of sovereignty, one which in contrast to liberal democracy results in homogenization and the exclusion of the heterogeneous and thus must be conceived as a fundamentally hegemonic system. The Schmittian ideal of democracy requires that political identities, public opinion, public sphere and will formation are the products of a sovereign will and not of open and free discussion.
European Journal of Political Research, 1993
Abstract. This article examines the contradictions Schmitt holds to exist between liberalism and democracy. The authors first examine Schmitt's descriptions of liberalism and democracy. They then proceed to his analysis of the political domain, which provides the basis of his criticism of liberal democracy. Following an evaluation of his argument, they propose a democratic conception of liberalism which both draws on Schmitt's account of the political while defending the viability of the union of liberalism and democracy.
The scholarship surrounding the relationship, whether personal or intellectual, of Carl Schmitt and Walter Benjamin is murky. Giorgio Agamben explicitly says that Schmitt’s political theology, more precisely his definition of sovereignty as the power to decide the exemption, is a direct response to Benjamin’s concept of pure or revolutionary violence espoused in the 1921 essay Critique of Violence. Jacques Derrida claims that Schmitt sent Benjamin a letter congratulating him on the publication of this essay. Horst Bredekamp details a different history, claiming the opposite, that it was Benjamin who first wrote Schmitt (scandalously) in 1930 acknowledging an intellectual debt. Such a history is rich with irony. The lives of Benjamin and Schmitt would depart on separate paths, both immersed in the same historical spectacle: one dying too young, alone, attempting to escape Nazi Europe and the other, dying an old man, with a legacy shrouded by his involvement with the rise of National Socialism. But two decades earlier, in the early 1920’s their fates were aligned in a shared battle against the Weimar Republic and the ideology of liberal democracy. It will be this equal footing, and two-headed assault on democracy, that will be the basis of this paper.
Over the past two decades the philosophy of Carl Schmitt has been the subject of growing interest in the field of political theory. One of the prominent engagements with Schmitt’s philosophy has been Chantal Mouffe’s attempt to mobilize Schmitt’s notion of the “political” for challenging the deliberative framework of Rawls and Habermas and reinvigorating radical democratic politics. This paper presents an exploration of Schmitt’s thought and the limits of its contemporary implications through an analysis of Mouffe’s call for thinking “with and against Schmitt.” I contend that Mouffe’s effort to accommodate the “political” within a “democratic paradox” involves a series of conceptual elisions of Schmitt’s thought, which render visible the constitutive limits of radical democratic theory. More specifically, I hold that the antagonistic distinction of friend and enemy that Mouffe tries to domesticate and displace returns with a vengeance on the borders of radical democratic pluralism and testifies to the continuing relevance of the problems posited by Schmitt. The paper concludes by pointing to a more insidious articulation of liberalism and democracy, not as a paradox but as a logic of indistinction pace Giorgio Agamben.
2018
To show that underlying Schmitt's account of fascist politics lies a Gnostic-like metaphysical dualism separating the realms of value and power. Contrary to the normative political tradition of the West, which defends an ethical politics, Schmitt - jurist and theorist of the Nazis - aligns himself with Machiavelli and Hobbes to defend realpolitik: where sovereignty is ultimately a function of the Dictator's will alone. This paper shows the contradiction within such a position, which criticizes values in politics but by its advocacy, and its defense of the Dictator's willing, relies on valuation, choice, and hence the ethical.
CR: The New Centennial Review, Vol. 13, No. 1, 2013, pp. 161–188. ISSN 1532-687X.
Although the modern age is often described as the age of democratic revolutions, the subject of popular foundings has not captured the imagination of contemporary political thought. Most of the time, democratic theory and political science treat as the object of their inquiry normal politics, institutionalized power, and consolidated democracies. The aim of Andreas Kalyvas's study is to show why it is important for democratic theorists to rethink the question of democracy's beginnings. Is there a founding unique to democracies? Can a democracy be democratically established? What are the implications of expanding democratic politics in light of the question of whether and how to address democracy's beginnings? Kalyvas addresses these questions and scrutinizes the possibility of democratic beginnings in terms of the category of the extraordinary, as he reconstructs it from the writings of
Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies, 2019
Abstract Carl Schmitt’s concept of political was first published in 1932 in Germany. This book was translated in Farsi and published in 1392 by Sohail Saffari. It is almost clear that Schmitt’s article plainly shows the boarders of the political in the ontological antagonism which is made to determine a group of people as friends against the enemy out of which we are identified as political subjects. Subjects which are called to fight to save the unity which is made by the name of the political to gather friends against enemies. In this paper, I would like to discuss Schmitt’s theories by providing the readers with the basic concepts to challenge Schmitt’s postulations.
Reflektif: Journal of Social Sciences, 2021
Carl Schmitt's work on The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy has been subject to a new scholarly interest within the context of the debates on populism. Most accounts emphasized the anti-liberal elements in his thought that are discernible in those parts of the book that elaborate on the opposition between liberalism and democracy. This paper argues that such emphasis tends to oversee the analysis developed by Schmitt with regard to the decline of the nineteenth century parliamentarism in the same book. Suggesting that Schmitt nostalgically idealizes nineteenth century parliamentarism as an instance of bourgeois domination and blames mass democracy for its deterioration, this paper puts forth a different portrayal of Schmitt who is an anti-democrat and committed to preserving bourgeois social/political order. This paper finalizes by suggesting that a rigorous analysis of Schmitt's anti-democratic politics would offer us a new lens to interrogate the polemical side of his anti-liberalism. This would in turn disclose the shortcomings of portraying Schmitt as a principled anti-liberal.
Monatshefte, 2019
V. 14, n. 04, 2021
Decisionism is the structure of Schmitt's political and legal thought. Hence the famous figure of the exception. Hence, too, the central figure of the theistic sovereign. Our objective in this article is to analyze the assumptions of Schmitt's decisionism, showing how such assumptions are incompatible with immanence and, therefore, with democracy. We will then present some central features of a notion of democracy based on immanence, such as the end of the exception and the immanent sovereign. Methodologically, we will read Schmitt's writings in which the notion of decisionism is elaborated, in addition to prominent commentators who deal with the issue.
This paper looks at Schmitt and his critique of liberalsm in terms of the question of constitutional structure of the modern state lead to certain contradictions and problems that arise out of the radicalism of liberal doctrine advanced by the NeoKantian legal tradition that dominated German in the early 20th Century. I argue that Schmitt saw the only means to correct this radicalization of liberalism to allow for the surivial of politics by returning to Hobbes, as well as other modern political thinkers such as Machiavelli and Bodin.
Open Theology, 2023
https://doi.org/10.1515/opth-2022-0223 Is there a political theology of revolution in Carl Schmitt or is his political theology only and exclusively autocratic? Schmitt sees the key to revolutionary politics in the construction of the idea of the people as a constituent power. This idea, and the first event it produced, namely, the French Revolution, not only establishes a concrete state of exception but also makes exceptionality both at the same time a constituent and a de-constituent element of the political order of the Modern State. The exception goes from coming from "outside" the political order to being integrated into it as an element of stasis, that is to say, of destabilization. Hence, all modern politics, under the mask of legality, become permanently revolutionary. This article analyses the juridical genealogy and the theological-political transfers involved in the construction of the modern revolutionary political era that follows from Schmitt's insights.
New Left Review, 2011
This paper looks at Schmitt and his critique of liberalism in terms of the question of constitutional structure of the modern state lead to certain contradictions and problems that arise out of the radicalism of liberal doctrine advanced by the NeoKantian legal tradition that dominated German in the early 20th Century. I argue that Schmitt saw the only means to correct this radicalization of liberalism to allow for the survival of politics by returning to Hobbes, as well as other modern political thinkers such as Machiavelli and Bodin.
Teorija in praksa, 2021
The aim of the article is to examine the relationship between the state, democracy and the Carl Schimitt's concept of the political. That is going to be done by reconstructing the concepts of Schmitt's political theory and finding out whether they can be used to explain the ideology of the new right-wing populism and illiberal democracy. As it turns out, the Schmitt's reduction of the political to the friend/enemy antagonism makes the core of the illiberal democracies' ruling narrative. The Schimtt's understanding of the political doesn't defend the state as a political space but by cancelling of the liberal elements of democracy ruins the state institutions. The analysis shows that Schmitt's notion of the political cannot be used to build effective democratic state institutions. Namely, in his definition of the political, politics actually exists only on the outwards, towards some other nation, some other political unity, but not within the state itself.
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