Acts c4v23to31 Sermon
Alan Wong
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Abstract
經文：使徒行傳 4：23-31 黃紹權牧師-多倫多以馬內利華人浸信會 筆記： v.23-"釋放（ Ἀπολυθέντες）"有別於 λυω，前者是指一些人被有權勢的人，從壓迫中獲釋。這可見彼 得和約翰先前所受的遭遇並不容易，並且同時見到大祭司集團耍弄權力的行徑。 v.24-"同心合意（ὁµοθυµαδὸν）是一個組合詞(ref. BDAG)，由 ὁµός（one and the same, common） + θυµός （termination）結合而成，曾用於 1：14；2：1, 46 及 7：57；8：6；12：20；18：12；19：29； 20：18，亦可釋作"全體一致"。換言之，門徒對於彼得和約翰的遭遇有同一樣的切身解讀，這 與先前大祭司集團要討論如何"辦"門徒時，眾說紛紜的情境有很大分別。-"主啊！（Δέσποτα）"，這種對上帝的稱呼在四卷福音書中只曾於路加福音 2：29 用過一次。 （另外彼得前書 2：18 及後書 2：1 亦曾用過。）其他用這個稱呼的就有保羅（提前 6：1, 2；提 後 2：21；提多書 2：9）、猶大書 4 和啟示錄 6：10。-從這種觀察，Δέσποτα 這稱謂所帶有的法治權是門徒對上主的了解。而且對法治的受眾與空間都有 明確的介定（天、地、海和其中萬物）。 vv.25-26-這兩節經文是引自詩篇 2：1-2，而門徒把這兩節經文納入是聖靈藉大衛這位先祖的說話，其中 主旨： （i）外邦人的敵對和謀算虛妄的事的因由（Ἱνατί, Why）是甚麼呢？ （ii）全地的君王與臣宰一同集結，針對上主和祂的彌賽亞（受膏者）。 *門徒對於大祭司集團的行為的解讀：原來早有舊約聖經的依歸。因此，門徒的焦點是上帝的話得 以成就，而並非要向大祭司集團進行反擊。 vv.27-28-門徒們以剛剛面對大祭司集團的境遇與 vv.25-26 的聖經啟示互相印證，發現原來十分對稱，於 是乎他們得出一個結論："成就祢手和祢意旨所預定必有的事"（焦點是神的作為） vv.29-30-重新認定未來當作的事奉： （i）叫僕人大放膽量講神的道 （ii）當上帝伸出手行神蹟奇事時，是隨著聖僕耶穌的名行神蹟。 v.31-房子震動，即表達有神同在的證明（cf. 16：26；出埃及記 19：18；詩篇 114：7；賽 6：4）-結果：眾門徒在禱告時被聖靈充滿，並自此放膽講神的話。-留意門徒的禱告是得到神馬上的回覆。
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契丹蔵が基づいた『一切経源品次録』ー高麗初雕蔵本の再発見とその意義―
2021
The catalogue of Buddhist texts in China started with the Zongli zhongjing mulu 綜 理眾經目錄 by Daoan 道安 (314-385). Following the appearance of the Chu sanzang jiji 出 三藏記集 in the early six century and other catalogues in the Sui and early Tang dynasties, in Kaiyuan 18 of the Tang (730) the Kaiyuan sijiao lu 開元釋教録 of twenty fascicles was compiled by Zhisheng 智昇 (d.u.) at Xichongfu si 西崇福寺, and has since become the standard of later catalogues of Buddhist texts. During the reigns of Xuanzong (r. 712-756), Suzong (r. 756-762), Daizong (r. 762-779), and Dezong (r. 779-805) of the mid-Tang, Buddhist texts translated by Amoghavajra (705-774) and others were newly added to the Buddhist canon. In Zhenyuan 11 (755), Yuanzhao 圓照 (718?-799?) at Ximing si 西明寺 completed the Zhenyuan xu Kaiyuan sijiao lu 貞元續開元釋教録 of three fascicles, and then in Zhenyuan 16 (800) he submitted (to the court) the Zhenyuan xinding sijiao mulu 貞元新 定釋教目録 of thirty fascicles. Afterwards, from Dazhong 9 (855) to Xiantong 1 (860), based on the "Ruzang lu 入藏錄" (Register of the texts actually taken in the canon) of the Zhenyuan lu, Vanaya master Congfan 從梵 (d. u.) in Zhaojun 趙郡 compiled the Yiqiejing yuan pinci lu 一切経源品次録 of thirty fascicles. People have come to know in recent years that there is the twentieth fascicle of the Xinzuan Yiqiejing yuan pinci lu 新纘一切經源品次録 of the first Korean canon edition in the National Museum of Korea, and that it is the only extant text of the Pinci lu. This paper first re-examines early studies of the jinglu 經錄 (the catalogue of Buddhist texts), a genre to which the Yiqiejing yuan pinci lu belongs. Then it turns attention to the twentieth fascicle of the Xinzuan Yiqiejing yuan pinci lu of the first Korean canon edition and, through the analysis of its contents, reveals the relationship of the Pinci lu with the Khitan canon and its influence on the Korea canon via the Korean canon.
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